1066 - Andrew Bridgeford [136]
13 The interpretation that Harold is here attempting to negotiate the release of the hostages was first suggested by Wissolik, 'The Saxon Statement: Code in the Bayeux Tapestry', but the force of his point has not been noted by others. Wissolik suggests the bearded figure is Harold's nephew Hakon but his reasons are not compelling. I suggest the figure is more likely to be the more senior of the two, Harold's brother Wulfnoth, but neither can this strictly be proved.
14 William of Poitiers, Gesta Gullelmi, p. 71.
15 Bertrand, 'Le Mont-Saint-Michel et la tapisserie de Bayeux'; Bates, Regesta, no. 213.
16 Suggestions for the identity of the figure are made in Bertrand, 'Le Mont-Saint-Michel et la tapisserie de Bayeux' (Ranulphe); McNulty, Narrative Art, p. 42 (Richard II); Messent, The Bayeux Tapestry Embroiderer's Story, p. 88 (Scolland/tapestry's artist).
17 Keynes, 'The Æthelings in Normandy'. The authenticity of the document recording this gift has been questioned but it is regarded more favourably by Keynes. As to its relation to a later grant of St Michael's Mount to Mont-Saint-Michel by Count Robert of Mortain, see Bates, Regesta, p. 667. For Edward's charter see also Fauroux, Recueil, no. 76.
18 William of Poitiers (Gesta Guillelmi, p. 71) tells us that Duke William provided Harold and his men 'with knightly arms and the finest horses, and took them with him to the Breton war'.
19 Stenton (ed.), Bayeux Tapestry, p. 167 (Gibbs-Smith); Villion, Visions secretes, p. 27. Villion suggests that the constellations are in the neighbourhood of the Milky Way and that an allusion is being made to the pilgrim route to Santiago de Compostela which would have passed through Mont-Saint-Michel and Dol.
20 William of Poitiers, Gesta Guillelmi, pp. 75-7.
21 Eadmer, History, p. 7.
22 Bernstein, Mystery of the Bayeux Tapestry, pp. 196-7; Brevis Relatio, p. 28; Wace, Roman de Rou, Part III, lines 5691-4.
23 Bernstein, Mystery of the Bayeux Tapestry, pp. 168-9.
24 William of Poiters, Gesta Guillelmi, p. 71.
25 Quoted in Barlow, The Godwins, p. 118.
26 Eadmer, History, p. 8.
7 The English Decision
1 The Life of King Edward, p. 69.
2 The Life of King Edward, p. 111 (Sulcard addition).
3 The Life of King Edward, pp. 69-71; Barlow, Edward the Confessor, pp. 229-32.
4 Ibid., p. 125.
5 Ibid., p. 119.
6 Ibid., pp. 117-19.
7 Ibid., p. 121.
8 Smith, 'Archbishop Stigand and the Eye of the Needle'.
9 The Life of King Edward, p. 123.
10 William of Poitiers, Gesta Guillelmi, p. 119.
11 Foreville, 'Aux origines de la renaissance juridique'; Beckerman, 'Succession in Normandy, 1087, and in England, 1066'; Cowdrey, 'Death-bed Testaments', pp. 716ff.; Williams, 'Some Notes and Considerations'; also, Tabuteau, 'The Role of Law in the Succession to Normandy and England, 1087'.
12 Walker, Harold, p. 136.
13 John of Worcester, Chronicle, p. 601.
14 Walker, Harold, pp. 36-8.
15 The Life of King Edward, p. 121. To portray Stigand in this light was not, therefore, an exclusively Norman view. It is true, however, that Stigand had been on good terms with St Augustine's Abbey (Gem, ed., St Augustine's Abbey, p. 50) where the art historical evidence suggests the tapestry was made. My interpretation assumes the poor view of Stigand to be the interpretation of the artist, who was influenced by The Life of King Edward.
16 Van Houts, 'The Norman Conquest through European Eyes'; E. A. Freeman, Norman Conquest, III, pp. 645-50.
17 William of Poitiers, Gesta Guillelmi, pp. 141-3.
18 Ibid., p. 107.
8 Invasion
1 Ibid., p. 109.
2 Ibid., p. 105. Doubts as to the truth of Poitiers' statement that William obtained papal support have been raised (Morton, 'Pope Alexander II and the Norman Conquest'; Walker, Harold, pp. 148-9) but Poitiers is usually taken to be accurate on