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Haleh Afshar, an Iranian-born academic, reflects on the position of Shi’ism in the life and politics of Iran over the centuries, and its role in both the Constitutional Revolution of 1907 and the Islamic Revolution of 1979:

Shi’ism for centuries was the small part of Islam that was very different and a group which was not a part of any establishment. In fact Shi’ites were always in the process of contestation and on the margins. With the arrival of the Safavids, who declared Shi’ism as the national religion of Iran, we begin to have the establishment of a religious institution with a hierarchy and one that has some kind of influence on policy. That is something quite new in terms of Iranian history. It is a process that has continued through the centuries, and the religious establishment very often has been at the forefront of revolutions, for example the Constitutional Revolution in 1907, in which religious leaders were demanding the establishment of a house of justice and a constitution, and also the 1979 revolution, again in the name of justice, which is a constant theme at the core of Shi’ism.

This heightened sense of justice perhaps has its roots in the very essence of Shi’ism – its focus on victims and martyrs. By the late seventeenth century, when this ‘alam was made, elaborate ceremonial processions commemorating the deaths of the martyrs featured chain-swinging flagellants, rhythmic movement, music and chanting. This illustrates the paradoxical nature of the British Museum’s ‘alam. Sword-like in form and name and thus at first sight triumphalist and aggressive, it was in fact used in Shi’a ceremonies that commemorated defeat, suffering and martyrdom.

Present-day ‘alams are sometimes enormous. No longer a single blade of metal, they are great structures covered in decorated cloth, which can span a whole road’s width – and yet they are often borne by one man.

We spoke to one of the elders of the Iranian community in north-west London, Hossein Pourtahmasbi, who describes how the tradition of carrying ‘alams continues today:

First of all you have to be a good weightlifter, because it’s quite heavy. It sometimes goes up to 100 kilograms, but it’s not just a matter of weight – it’s the balancing and unbalancing shape of the ‘alam, which is huge and wide. You have to be very physically fit for that, and the people are either wrestlers or weightlifters and physically strong and well known by that society. But to be a strong man is not enough: in that community the people have got to know you as well, because it’s tradition that gives you admission. It’s keeping the memory alive, and it keeps you strong; you keep singing the songs, keeping the tradition and carry on!

By the time our ‘alam was made, around 1700, this kind of muscular fervour had become a key element of Shi’a ceremonies. But the equilibrium between different faiths achieved by Shah Abbas was abandoned by his successors. The last Safavid shah, Husayn, was harshly intolerant of non-Shi’ites and gave religious leaders extensive powers to regulate public behaviour, a religious repression that may have contributed to his downfall. In 1722 Husayn was overthrown, the long Safavid era ended, and Iran condemned to several decades of political chaos. But the legacy of Shah Abbas is still evident in Iran today. The state is officially Shi’a, but Christians, Jews and Zoroastrians are all by the terms of the Constitution free to practise their religion in public. As in the seventeenth century, Iran is still a multi-faith society, with a tolerance of religious difference that surprises and impresses many visitors.

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Miniature of a Mughal Prince

Painting on paper, from India

ABOUT AD 1610

In today’s world of global politics image is – almost – everything. We are all familiar with the carefully staged photographs of leaders who know exactly what it means to be pictured with a particular royal, politician or celebrity. In the politics of faith, it is even more important in some places to be seen with the right religious