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to travel abroad. That day, the British legation sent a report that hundreds of British travelers were being hauled off trains and arrested at quaysides on the grounds of being “draft evaders.” Among the Britons forcibly removed from a Baltimore train was a Mr. Drury, the legation’s diplomatic messenger. PRO 30/36/1, desp. 150, William Stuart to Lord Russell, August 14, 1862. Letters of Lord St. Maur and Lord Edward St. Maur (London, 1888), p. 250, n.d, c. 1862.

38. Countess of Stafford (ed.), Leaves from the Diary of Henry Greville, vol. 4, p. 55.

39. E. D. Adams, Great Britain and the American Civil War, 2 vols. (New York, 1958), vol. 1, p. 305–57.

40. Brian Jenkins, Britain and the War for the Union, 2 vols. (Montreal, 1974, 1980), vol. 2, p. 88.

41. R.S.M. Blackett, Divided Hearts, p. 173.

42. E. D. Adams, Great Britain and the American Civil War, vol. 2, p. 20, Lyons to Stuart, July 5, 1862.

43. “I know it will be said that this is giving them the means and money for a prolongation of the contest,” admitted the duke. “But its effect in this way would be comparatively small, whilst it would greatly tend to dissipate the danger which is really a growing one.” MHS, Argyll Letters, p. 99, Argyll to Sumner, July 12, 1862.

44. However, Zebina Eastman obtained circumstantial evidence in November that Lindsay’s firm purchased the Calypso for blockade running. NARA, M. T-185, roll 7, vol. 7, Eastman to Seward, November 20, 1862.

45. Ford (ed.), A Cycle of Adams Letters, vol. 1, p. 163, Henry Adams to Charles Francis Adams, Jr., July 4, 1862.

46. Howard Jones, Union in Peril: The Crisis over British Intervention in the Civil War, p. 127.

47. Adams, Great Britain and the American Civil War, vol. 2, p. 20, Lyons to Stuart, July 5, 1862.

48. MPUS, p. 133, Adams to Seward, July 11, 1862.

49. Crook, The North, the South, and the Powers, p. 214.

50. West Sussex RO, Lyons MSS, box 300, Lyons to sister, July 19, 1862. “I had a long talk with Lord Palmerston. I had also a sufficiently long conversation with Lord Derby at his own home.”

51. Wallace and Gillespie (eds.), The Journal of Benjamin Moran, vol. 2, p. 1037, July 17, 1862.

52. MHS, Adams MSS, Diary of Charles Francis Adams, July 17, 1862.

53. Jones, Union in Peril, p. 133.

54. Jenkins, Britain and the War for the Union, vol. 2, p. 100.

55. Ford (ed.), A Cycle of Adams Letters, vol. 1, p. 167, Henry Adams to Charles Francis Adams, Jr., July 19, 1862.

56. OR, ser. 4, vol. 2, pp. 23–25, Edwin De Leon to Judah P. Benjamin, July 30, 1862.

57. Wallace and Gillespie (eds.), The Journal of Benjamin Moran, vol. 2, p. 1044, July 19, 1862.

58. Confederate propaganda had been so successful that the great humanitarian and social reformer Lord Shaftesbury was firmly pro-South on moral grounds. He told John Slidell that he “viewed it as a struggle, on the one hand, for independence and self-government, on the other, for empire, political power, and material interests.” ORN, ser. 2, vol. 3, pp. 546–48, Slidell to Benjamin, September 29, 1862. Edwin De Leon claimed, “With the tide of public opinion running so strong in England that even Lord Shaftesbury and Exeter Hall now abandon their Yankee sympathies as untrue.…” OR, ser. 4, vol. 2, S. 128, De Leon to Benjamin, September 30, 1862.

59. MPUS, p. 160, Adams to Seward, July 17, 1862.

60. Quoted in Crook, The North, the South, and the Powers, p. 219.

61. The reality of the situation, however, was much more complicated than Moran or Dudley allowed. The U.S. consul in Dundee was probably closer to the mark when he wrote that it was more of a matter of who got to whom first. “I have reason to believe,” he told Seward on June 17, “that there are officials in HM govt that could be very easily induced to take service in the ranks of the U States or the so-called Confederate States quite indifferently.” NARA, M.T-200, roll 3, vol. 3, U.S. Consuls in Dundee, Consul J. B. Holderby to Seward, June 17, 1862.

62. On May 1, 1862, Lord Russell told Lord Lyons that “separation would be