Adventures of a Sea Hunter_ In Search of Famous Shipwrecks - James P. Delgado [62]
We ended the day by driving to nearby Newcastle to visit the home of the Glidden family, one of King Philip’s first owners. Glidden & Williams operated the principal clipper ship line between New England and California from 1850 until well after the Civil War. King Philip, built after the heyday of the extreme clippers with their knife-like hulls and lofty spars filled with sail, was a more full-bodied “medium” clipper and a predecessor to the boxier “down-easters” that were the last generation of American wooden-hulled full-rigged sailing ships. To make money with these ships, they had to carry cargoes quickly. The fast clippers of the late 1840s and early 1850s made record time on their voyages, but their narrow hulls could not carry much cargo. The medium clippers were a compromise, sacrificing some of the form that made the ships fast for more capacity. Just the same, King Philip was said by historian William Fairburn to have been a good sailer with good (that is, fast) passages. “She was,” commented Fairburn, “undoubtedly hard driven.”
“Hard driven” applied not only to the ship but her crew. To get a slow ship to make good passages meant pushing both ship and men to their limits, if not beyond. And King Philip’s crew mutinied on more than one occasion, setting the vessel on fire on two occasions. In 1874, a U.S. naval officer, who sent an armed force aboard King Philip in Rio de Janeiro to quell an uprising, during which “the ship’s steward had been killed and most of the crew had deserted,” sympathetically commented that “perhaps they had good reason.” Intrigued by the harsh reality of life before the mast, I spent more time digging into the ship’s history than into the sand that shrouded her bones.
Instead of running to California like other Glidden & Williams ships, King Philip entered the “general carrying trade,” loading all types of merchandise and delivering them to ports around the world. Captain Rollins’s letter book spans the time between June 1857 and May 1860. Those early letters did far more to flesh out those water-stained oak bones than all of the archeology I could ever practice on the hulk, an invaluable lesson for me. Beyond the science and the study of the “object,” in this case the half-intact hulk I was enthusing over, the significance of any find lies in the connections to real people.
Rollins’s first letters recorded a voyage from Gravesend, England, around the tip of Cape of Good Hope to the Indian Ocean and then to Melbourne, Australia. He reported that “the ship sails fair” with all sail set but went on to say that “my crew have mostly left the ship,” leaving him with two officers and seven men. “The cook is away today and it is doubtful if I see him again. They leave about ^120 wages behind them. I do not think the ship shall lose anything by these men as I shall take but two mates from here and the Steward shipped in Boston was totally unfit for his place. He had no idea of cooking or of saving provisions and besides was abominably filthy.” From Melbourne, King Philip sailed to the coast of Peru to load guano—the accumulated droppings of sea birds— being mined in the Chincha Islands as fertilizer. The reeking cargo stunk to high heaven but was literally worth its weight in gold.
After discharging the guano at Rotterdam in September 1858, Rollins took on four hundred casks of gin and headed for England, and from there to San Francisco with a cargo of lumber, sugar, pig iron, livestock and coal. His letter to Glidden & Williams from San Francisco is full of complaints, particularly about a “patent reefing gear” installed in the rigging to handle some of the work that the sailors usually did aloft. The gear should have acted like a rolling window shade to retract a sail in heavy wind so as to keep the wind from bursting it or breaking the yards or mast. Rollins raged that the gear was too tightly installed, slipped off its rollers and