American Rifle - Alexander Rose [231]
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71. Quoted in Dillin, Kentucky Rifle, p. 76.
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72. J. Barker, The British in Boston: Being the Diary of Lieutenant John Barker . . . (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1924), p. 43. It should be noted that no mention of such a diabolical plot has been found in any American source.
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73. P. Haythornthwaite, British Rifleman, 1797–1815 (Oxford, U.K.: Osprey, 2002), pp. 15–16.
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74. Gage to Clephane, February 20, 1759, quoted in D. J. Beattie, “The Adaptation of the British Army to Wilderness Warfare, 1755–1763,” in M. Ultee, ed., Adapting to Conditions: War and Society in the Eighteenth Century (University: University of Alabama Press, 1986), p. 74n51.
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75. Quoted in Bright, “Rifle in Washington’s Army,” p. 10.
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76. Quoted in F. Moore, Diary of the American Revolution from Newspapers and Original Documents (New York: Charles Scribner, 2, 1860), p. 1:350.
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77. Diary entry, November 18, 1777, in G.D. Scull, ed., “The Montresor Journals,” Collections of the New-York Historical Society 14 (1882), p. 477.
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78. Interestingly, this view began as a politically progressive idea. In the seventeenth century, military theorists wanting to break away from the contemporary reliance on mercenaries (employed particularly brutally during the Thirty Years’ War) and the medieval adulation of knights errant advocated professional armies subject to a chain of command and forbidden by strict discipline to loot and kill civilians. By the eighteenth century, such reforms were so deeply integrated into military practice that they had become regarded as conservative policies. On the original radicalism of professionalism, see G. E. Rothenberg, “Maurice of Nassau, Gustavus Adolphus, Raimondo Montecuccoli, and the ‘Military Revolution’ of the Seventeenth Century,” in P. Paret, ed., Makers of Modern Strategy (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1986), p. 34.
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79. In a letter to Washington, quoted in H. Rankin, “Anthony Wayne: Military Romanticist,” in Billias, ed., George Washington’s Generals, p. 263.
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80. Starkey, “Paoli to Stony Point,” pp. 7–9.
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81. Quoted in Rankin, “Anthony Wayne,” p. 273.
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82. R. R. Palmer, “Frederick the Great, Guibert, Bülow: From Dynastic to National War,” in Paret, ed., Makers of Modern Strategy, esp. pp. 91–105.
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83. Hamilton to John Jay, March 14, 1779, in H. C. Syrett, ed., The Papers of Alexander Hamilton (New York: Columbia University Press, 1961–87), pp. 2:17–18.
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84. Quoted in Paul David Nelson, “Citizen Soldiers or Regulars: The Views of American General Officers on the Military Establishment, 1775–1781,” Military Affairs 43, no. 3 (1979), pp. 128, 129. On Wayne in particular, see Rankin, “Anthony Wayne,” pp. 260–90.
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85. A. D. Gaff, Bayonets in the Wilderness: Anthony Wayne’s Legion in the Old Northwest (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2004), pp. 26–27, 59–60. The Reveries were popular among several of Washington’s generals, says Wright in, “Some Notes on the Continental Army,” p. 84.
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86. Jefferson to G. Fabbroni, June 8, 1778, in J. P. Boyd, ed., The Papers of Thomas Jefferson (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1950– ), p. 2:198n1.
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87. Gates’s couplet is quoted in Billias, “Horatio Gates,” p. 85.
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88. Lee’s broadside, “To the People of America,” in E. Langworthy, ed., The Life and Memoirs of the late Major General Lee . . . (New York: Richard Scott, 1813), pp. 123, 128. In this view, Gates and Charles Lee were joined by the firebrand congressman Richard Henry Lee, who bragged that Virginia’s six frontier counties alone could raise six thousand rifle-men capable of hitting an orange at two hundred yards. Lee to Arthur Lee, February 24, 1775, in J. C. Ballagh, ed., The Letters of Richard Henry Lee (New York: Macmillan, 1911), pp. 1:130–31. Lee’s brand of hearty patriotism