Augustus_ The Life of Rome's First Emperor - Anthony Everitt [128]
But if he was to give up the consulship, the princeps would need some other source of imperium. With typical ingenuity, he came up with two devices. For some years he had been awarded tribunicia sacrosanctitas, or the immunity from physical attack given to a tribune of the people. Now he decided to assume tribunicia potestas in perpetuity: he would enjoy the power of a tribune without actually having to hold the post. That power was considerable. Tribunes attended Senate meetings and were entitled to present laws for approval by the people. They could also veto any officeholder’s decisions, including those of other tribunes.
Augustus recognized that tribunicia potestas, together with his enormous provincia, gave him almost all the authority he needed to govern without hindrance. He dated his “reign” from when it was awarded, on July 1, 23 B.C., and added the potestas to his long list of titles. However, a couple of gaps needed to be filled. Proconsuls, or provincial governors, lost their imperium when they crossed the pomerium—the sacred boundary of Rome—and entered the city. That would mean that when he was in the city the princeps would only have the status of a private citizen. Thanks to his prestige, or auctoritas, his wishes would usually be obeyed, but on occasion there might be some awkwardness. So the Senate voted that Augustus’ proconsular imperium should not lapse when he was inside the city walls.
The Marcus Primus affair had thrown an embarrassing light on Augustus’ relations with the governors of senatorial provinces, in whose business he had no right to meddle—in theory. To correct this problem, he was granted a general and overriding proconsular authority (imperium maius, “greater power”), the right to intervene anywhere in the empire as and when he chose. It was a right he exercised very discreetly and with the utmost caution, for by tradition a Roman governor had a free hand during his term of office.
The reforms considerably strengthened Augustus’ position, but the real winner from the crisis of 23 B.C. was Agrippa. He had been shown to be indispensable; now he, too, received imperium proconsulare (but not imperium maius). This probably gave him some kind of general authority in the eastern provinces, where Augustus dispatched him in the autumn. In effect, Agrippa was now the empire’s co-regent.
Too much information has been lost for us to be sure, but it looks very much as if the princeps had had his wings clipped. Perhaps the governing faction—that is, all those men whose fortunes, livelihoods, even lives depended on the regime’s continuance—made its leader acknowledge that the state was not his personal property and that an insurance policy (to wit, Agrippa) needed to be taken out against some future mortal illness.
It has even been speculated in modern times that what had taken place was a “secret coup d’état” in which Agrippa and Livia joined forces. There is hardly anything to back this up—except that Tiberius, Livia’s eldest son, was betrothed, perhaps already married, to Agrippa’s daughter, Vipsania. This could be interpreted as a sign that the two most important people in Augustus’ life felt the need to jointly protect themselves against the dynastically domineering princeps. It also appears that Octavia and Livia did not get on, and that the latter was irritated by the former’s promotion of Marcellus. Equally, though, Augustus and his canny wife could have seen the value of neutralizing the prickly Agrippa by making him a member of the family.
At the time, many observers interpreted Agrippa’s departure as exile. According to Suetonius, he “had felt that Augustus was not behaving as warmly towards him as usual, and that Marcellus was being preferred to him; he resigned all his offices and went off to Mytilene.” Some held that Agrippa