Call to Treason - Tom Clancy [107]
He had his master's degree within three years. He transferred to Link's personal staff that same year, with GS-15 pay status and top-level security clearance. Stone's first job was making sure money reached field agents in Asia, which was Link's area of command. Within two years, Stone had become the admiral's executive assistant. The men did not socialize outside the office. On the job, however, they were as close as father and son, watching each other's backs in the shadow of a ruthless and complex bureaucracy and making sure the department ran smoothly.
Stone had never thought of the admiral as a political activist. Like the younger man, Link seemed to be absolutely focused on the moment, on whatever job needed to be done. It came as a shock when, six months ago, Link called him into his office and shut the door.
"Senator Donald Orr of Texas is going to be starting a new political party and making a serious run for the presidency," Link had said. "I'm going to find a way to work with him."
"Why?" Stone had asked.
The answer surprised him. "To stop him."
Link had met the senator at a Congressional Intelligence Planning Committee briefing several months before. The Texan was impressed with Link's grasp of the threat represented by terrorist cells relocating from the Philippines, Malaysia, and Indonesia to China. Implicit in the presentation was the notion that if Beijing could control international terrorism, it would give the Chinese a powerful tool to use against Western aggression. Paul Hood of Op-Center was also at that meeting, reporting on the recent efforts of the NCMC to try to contain Chinese expansion into the diamond market in southern Africa.
Link had proposed a comprehensive "Quiet War" against Beijing, stirring student dissatisfaction from within, encouraging fringe provinces to move toward independence. Keeping the Chinese busy with domestic unrest would give them less time to worry about the United States and Europe.
The Quiet War was approved and funded. After the meeting, Orr took Link aside. He said he actually wanted to go further. He wanted to train CIA operatives to execute acts of terror in foreign capitals in what he called an "anti-civilian strike option." These ACSO units would attack the societal infrastructure with more devastating efficiency than terrorist attacks had been executed anywhere in the world. In a subsequent meeting, Link learned that half of the twelve-person CIP Committee was appalled at the notion of attacking civilian targets such as banks, communications centers, and landmarks.
The other half thought there was merit to the idea and named a subcommittee of six congressional representatives to study it.
Link was horrified. It was one thing to monitor terrorists and take preemptive action against them. It was another thing to use that security apparatus to foster what Orr was calling "aggressive isolationism." But Link was too good an intelligence officer and too seasoned a bureaucrat to let Orr know what he was thinking. To the contrary. He encouraged Orr to talk. It was important to know what a potential opponent was thinking. Link resolved to take no steps against the top secret ACSO program until it moved from subcommittee to recommendation.
That never happened. The subcommittee decided the downside of ACSO made it too risky: the chance that a slip up could lead to the discovery that Congress had authorized strikes against civilian targets. Link was bothered that they did not react on moral grounds.
It was all about personal preservation.
Orr accepted the setback with his courtly Texas grace, but he did not abandon the goal. ACSO and aggressive isolationism became obsessions with him. He privately enlisted Admiral Link in his crusade, assuming that a military man and intelligence director would see the wisdom of