Call to Treason - Tom Clancy [68]
The former FBI agent put the process aside for now to consider the data. Senator Orr had three former CIA employees on his staff. Admiral Link had spent several years at the Company. He knew a few good people. This could be nothing more than that. Yet at least two of those people, Link and Kendra, had the skills, opportunity, and probably the resources to have targeted, cornered, and executed William Wilson and Robert Lawless. Link's caustic dismissal aside, his dislike of the man's fiscal policies could have moved him to murder. McCaskey knew of at least two instances when business concerns were said to have inspired CIA-organized TDs terminal directives, the euphemism for assassinations. Patrice Lumumba, the first democratically elected leader of the Congo, was assassinated in January 1961 to protect American and Belgian business interests. In 1979, South Korean President Park Chung Hee was shot by CIA-backed personnel who feared that the economic boom was putting the nation too deeply in debt to Japanese lenders.
Perhaps William Wilson had been planning to contribute substantial monies to a USF rival. Scotland Yard might be able to find out for him. That would have rid both the party and the United States economy of a potential threat.
McCaskey did not have a lot of information. But he did have more than when he arrived. For all of Link's bluster, the interview was a success. The only thing he had not anticipated was the presence of Mike Rodgers. The men had a lot of history between them, and he hoped they could get past this.
If not, McCaskey would survive. He was only an agent of policy, not the one who designed it.
Paul Hood was the man in the crosshairs.
* * *
TWENTY-FOUR
Washington, D.C. Tuesday, 10:00 a.m.
It was a warm, clear day, and the world around him white and blue.
Hood's eyes went from the gleaming monuments that dominated the Washington skyline to the clear sky that dominated the monuments. Many of the city's significant landmarks were visible from the White House, enhancing the already strong sense that this was the center of the globe.
Hood pulled into the heavily barricaded parking area on the north side of the White House. Being outside, warmed by the sun, Hood should have enjoyed a burgeoning sense of well-being. He did not. President Lawrence and Senator Debenport belonged to the same centrist section of the same party. Between them, they controlled Op-Center's charter and Op-Center's funding. If the two men had an agenda, Hood had no avenue of appeal. What he did not know was whether Lawrence and Debenport had called him here to expand the downsizing of Op-Center or whether they wanted him to work on some partisan intrigue.
On one level, it did not matter. Whether it was a mugging or a hazing, Hood knew it would hurt.
Hood passed through the security checkpoint at the west gate. Since he was not carrying anything, that meant a wand search from the security guard. A Secret Service agent met Hood at the security vestibule and escorted him to the office of the president's executive secretary.
Senator Debenport was already in the Oval Office. Hood was told to go right in.
Debenport was standing with his arms folded. President Michael Lawrence was seated on the edge of a desk that had once belonged to Teddy Roosevelt. That was the spot from which the president preferred to conduct meetings. He stood just over six feet four inches tall.
This put him eye level with most of the people who came to see him. The president's sharp blue eyes shifted from Debenport to the door as Hood walked in. Lawrence's expression was warm and welcoming. The two men had always enjoyed