Caravaggio_ A Life Sacred and Profane - Andrew Graham-Dixon [277]
112. See Helen Langdon, The Lives of Caravaggio, p. 53.
113. Ibid., p. 84.
114. I make this assumption because we know for sure that Caravaggio left Naples from the Colonna Palace at the end of his second stay in the city, in July 1610: that fact is documented. Given that the early sources all say he went to Naples from Palermo because he was in fear of pursuit, it seems logical to suppose that he was at the Colonna Palace at Chiaia throughout his time there in 1609–10, under the protection of the Marchesa Costanza Colonna.
115. See Helen Langdon, The Lives of Caravaggio , p. 77.
116. For the reasoning behind these assertions concerning the date of the lost Resurrection, see n. 111 above.
117. See Charles-Nicolas Cochin, Voyage d’Italie … (Paris, 1758), vol. 1, pp. 171–2; the passage is quoted in Maurizio Marini, Michelangelo Merisi da Caravaggio ‘pictor praestantissimus’, p. 568.
118. ‘orgie siffatte’: for a useful summary of the poem, see Giuseppe Ferrari, Opuscoli politici e letterari (Naples, 1852), p. 462. For the poem in full, see Giulio Cesare Cortese, Opere (Naples, 1666), 6 vols.
119. See Giambattista Basile, ‘Talia, overo lo Cerriglio’, Egloca III, Le Muse Napolitane, in Collezione di tutti i poemi in lingue napoletane, tome 21, vol. 2 (Naples, 1788), p. 267: ‘Lloco le Cortesciane / Fanno lo sguazzatorio: / E all’ uocchie de corrive, / A spesa de perdente / Ne sporpano tant’ ossa …’
120. As cited in Salvatore di Giacomo, La prostituzione in Napoli nei secoli XV, XVI e XVII: documenti inediti (Naples, 1899), p. 82.
121. See Giambattista Basile, ‘Talia, overo lo Cerriglio’, p. 257. Basile’s exact phrase is ‘dove trionfa Bacco, dove se scarfa Venere’: se scarfa is Neapolitan dialect, which I translate as ‘is shunned’, having taken specialist advice from Nicholas Stone Villani, who kindly consulted a number of experts in historical Neapolitan usage on my behalf.
122. See Salvatore di Giacomo, La prostituzione in Napoli, p. 83.
123. Ibid., p. 119.
124. See Walter Friedlaender, Caravaggio Studies, p. 292.
125. See Michele Maccherini, ‘Caravaggio nel carteggio familiare di Giulio Mancini’, p. 83.
126. See p. 63 and p. 180, above.
127. This translation is broadly that given by Friedlaender in Caravaggio Studies, p. 236. I use the word ‘affronted’ instead of ‘insulted’, because it is closer to Baglione’s usage in Italian, affronto, which I believe itself carries an implied meaning, as will be explained on p. 420, below.
128. This translation is again broadly that given by Friedlaender in Caravaggio Studies, p. 251. I have corrected Friedlaender’s mistranscription of ‘Herodias’ as ‘Salome’.
129. Susinno in Howard Hibbard, Caravaggio, p. 386.
130. Most notably Maurizio Marini. I am grateful to him for sharing his views with me during the course of a fascinating two days of excursions and peregrinations in Caravaggio’s Rome in the autumn of 2001. I should add that when Marini expressed his view that the Tomassoni might have been responsible for the attack, Keith Sciberras had yet to publish the facts of Caravaggio’s crime on Malta, which tilt the balance very much towards Malta as the source of the attack; in other words, Marini was not in possession of all the facts when we spoke.
131. See Keith Sciberras’s second chapter in Caravaggio: Art, Knightood and Malta, fn. 49.
132. Keith Sciberras, who made the discovery of Caravaggio’s crime on Malta, had to X-ray the book to get at the documents. In his account of his discovery, he notes that the records of the crime were covered over not long after they had been inscribed, i.e the coverings-over date from the early seventeenth-century, consistent with the idea that they might represent a cover-up arranged by Roero himself. See Keith Sciberras, ‘ “Frater Michael Angelus in tumultu”: The Cause of Caravaggio’s Imprisonment in Malta’, pp. 229–32.
133. See Michele Maccherini, ‘Caravaggio nel carteggio familiare di Giulio Mancini’, p. 83.
134. Only one other work in Caravaggio