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Child of the Sit-Downs_ The Revolutionary Life of Genora Dollinger - Carlton Jackson [3]

By Root 859 0
these accomplishments tended to overshadow the real differences and confrontations between labor and capital in the depression-ridden America of the 1930s. By the 1980s, Genora believed, the companies and the government had bought off union leadership—in effect, making it “one of their own.” Complementing this thought was President Ronald Reagan’s dismissal of the air traffic controllers, which had the effect of putting most other unions in line. This was tuxedo unionism with a vengeance. Genora feared that the old labor pioneers of Flint days were in danger of being forgotten, and not just what the men had done there, but what women—especially women—also had accomplished. She resolved to keep the memories alive; it is the purpose of this biography to show how and why she did it. Despite ridicule, personal tragedies, and balancing work and home, Genora Dollinger—by the time of her death in 1995—had finessed most of her detractors. I have chosen to discuss Genora’s private life as well as her public life because I think we tend to create false divides between the two. Genora was a wife, mother, and jobholder who essentially melded these three duties into one. She generally tended to bring work home with her at night. She was not exactly a renaissance person nor a type A personality, though she exhibited traits of both from time to time. She had to be a participant in life, not a mere observer. These were the characteristics that kept this strong-willed woman going.

Genora Dollinger deserves a biography. So, one might ask, why hasn’t it already been written? For one thing, her papers did not come together until fairly recently. Her widower, Sol Dollinger, owned a large collection of articles and travel diaries that shed light on her union and feminist activities, as well as her broader philosophies of life. To a greater extent, the Reuther Library at Wayne State University has a collection, which the Dollingers donated in the mid-1990s. From 1998 to early 2001, Sol Dollinger and I swapped e-mails on a regular basis. Sol’s e-mails, which I have freely quoted in the pages ahead, are often fascinating for their insights into the world of big business, labor unions and their memberships, capitalism, and Socialism.

Over the years, many academics and other members of the intelligentsia (journalists, editors, broadcasters, etc.) may have befriended Genora and even corresponded with her on a regular basis. It worried more than a few of them, however, that as witty and intelligent as Genora seemed to be, she did not have the “proper documentation.” Not only did she not have a college degree, she was, worse yet, a high school dropout. It was somewhat like a professional historian “wondering about the prowess of an amateur in the field who, though successful” in terms of having a following, had not earned any degrees.8 Though the experts rarely came out and said it, they meant, “Yes, you are smart and knowledgeable, but who are you?” Many academics shunned her for this very reason; if they did not see any scholarly credentials, they were not going to write about her.

Genora Dollinger did not intellectualize or philosophize the interests and well-being of workers into some kind of esoteric oblivion. She was constantly on the front lines, from 1937 during the Flint strikes right on through the early 1990s, when the California teachers’ strike made national headlines. Along with my father, she knew what it was like working for a living—no amount of theorizing or philosophical speculation can take the place of hard labor.

I have tried to strike a balance in this book between narrative and analysis, and I believe I have not stressed one to the detriment of the other. As all scholars know, one must have narrative before one can have any legitimate analysis. My main objectives in this book are the following:

To discuss unionism in the 1930s (especially 1937) and show its relationship to a rising feminism, as exemplified by the creation of the Women’s Emergency Brigade during the sit-down strikes against General Motors in Flint, Michigan.

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