Citizen Hughes - Michael Drosnin [122]
When Hughes was also hit with an antitrust threat regarding his attempt to seize control of ABC, he was no longer content to rely on Humphrey alone.
“The Justice Dept. is driving us crazy,” he fumed.
“Bob, I think it is imperative that we make an alliance with Humphries, the White House, Nixon, or McCarthy and agree to supply all-out unlimited support in return for taking this Justice Dept. off my back but now!”
It was not the vice-president’s willingness Hughes doubted so much as his ability. A bought man who could not deliver was hardly better than a man who could not be bought.
There was, of course, among the Democrats, no viable alternative to Humphrey, whatever his failings. And after June 6, 1968, there was no alternative at all.
Bobby Kennedy was dead. His assassination dramatically altered the presidential campaign, left the nation shaken, and even caused Howard Hughes to reassess his position. The political marketplace was in flux. It was no time to make a hasty purchase. He would wait a couple of days.
“Re. the next 48 hrs.,” wrote Hughes, “I think we must decide whom we want to see nominated by each party, and then not wait for it to happen, but go out and do something about it.
“The last person I want to see nominated is Edward Kennedy. He would receive too much support from others. I want to see a candidate who needs us and wants our help. I still favor Humphries. But I urge against any further support until we feel his pulse. Only a couple of days—but I dont feel we should increase our investment in him in the meantime. Only until you get some kind of an indication of his attitude and his capabilities.”
There was no need to rush to the bank. Humphrey would be waiting—still a candidate who needed and wanted Hughes’s help—whenever the billionaire was ready.
Meanwhile, Maheu felt Humphrey’s pulse and reported back to the penthouse. “We are continuing to move on all fronts on the AEC matter,” he wrote. “The Vice President has been most cooperative in every instance and we continually, through him, are feeding most important data to the White House, the proper sources at the U.N., and even more importantly to those involved in very high level conferences with the Russians.”
“I received a telephone call this morning from Bob Humphrey, the Vice President’s son,” Maheu told his boss in another of a steady stream of memos. “He informed me that his father was sending one of his top men to discuss with me the strategy for delaying any megaton tests until after the elections and then, hopefully, forever.”
There was only one catch. Maheu intended to hold the big strategy talks out on his yacht. He was about to weigh anchor when Hughes got the message. As desperate as he was to stop the bombing, as anxious as he was to seduce Humphrey, he could not bear to let Maheu escape.
“Now, Bob, I dont have to remind you that I am just as disturbed about the AEC as you are,” he wrote, catching the yacht just in time. “I am also just as aware of Humphries’ importance. But I cannot believe that there is no way to service the VP properly except at the expense of punishing me.
“I will appreciate it very much, Bob, if you will delay your departure to Catalina until I communicate with you about several very important matters.”
Neither Maheu nor the vice-president’s aide ever left shore. Hughes kept his first mate on dry land all day, sending him an endless series of memos, all of course requiring his immediate attention. Still, Maheu managed to check Humphrey’s pulse.
“Today we talked to Washington twice,” Maheu reported from the Balboa Bay Yacht Club, “and I now believe that we will be instrumental in naming the next scientific advisor to the White House.”
Next Maheu got word from Humphrey himself, who also wanted Hughes to help pick his running mate.
“Humphrey is going to be in L.A. Monday,” Maheu wrote, “and, among other things, he wants to discuss with me the Vice Presidential candidate. He has asked if I would meet with him.”
Humphrey’s attitude was perfect.