Citizen Hughes - Michael Drosnin [138]
“I just heard a newscast saying Kennedy is planning a statement tomorrow. Do you have any idea what it is likely to say?
“I only want to know what, if anything you already know. Please do not become in any way involved in this, and please do not permit O’Brien to become entangled in it.
“I heard that all the Kennedy hiarchy was gathered today at Hiannisport Mass. I hoped OBrien was not included, but I realize it could be very dangerous if it should filter back to Kennedy that any such request was made of O’Brien.
“So, tread very carefully in this entire affair.”
Larry O’Brien was not actually working for Hughes at the time the billionaire sought to shield him from the taint of Chappaquiddick.
Just as O’Brien had been about to go on the payroll, he backed out. It was not a moral decision, no sudden pangs of conscience. At the last minute, he simply got a better offer from Wall Street. He never broke off his relationship with Hughes, however. He kept in touch with Maheu and persuaded Hughes to hire two close associates, Joe Napolitan, a media consultant who had worked with O’Brien in both the Kennedy and Humphrey campaigns, and Claude DeSautels, a top Washington lobbyist who had been O’Brien’s deputy in both the Kennedy and Johnson administrations. Both Napolitan and DeSautels received $5,000 a month, and both regularly consulted with O’Brien on Hughes business.
“Although O’Brien took the position with the investment company,” reported Maheu, explaining the setup to Hughes, “he has continued to make himself available to us and has kept his basic team intact. Larry continues to be of great help, and there are many things he can do which he could not if he were an employee.”
Indeed, all the while O’Brien labored on Wall Street, Maheu reported his Hughes missions to the penthouse.
“Re: CAB, Howard, things are progressing unbelievably well,” wrote Maheu, as he maneuvered to get federal approval of the Air West takeover. “It is obvious that Larry O’Brien and his people had done a good job prior to the meeting.” Of his own CAB testimony, Maheu later added, “I think I did a reasonably good job at keeping perjury to a minimum.”
As Hughes continued to battle TWA, O’Brien tried to roll back the mammoth default judgment. “As a result of having accomodated a few select people in Washington,” Maheu noted, “O’Brien and Long reported just last night that we have a 50-50 chance of tagging a provision to pending legislation that will make it impossible to secure treble damages.”
And for the big battle against the bomb, the O’Brien team lined up reliable allies in Congress: “O’Brien and his people have carefully deleted from opponents of the tests those which have any tinge of liberalism. They are working very closely with the solid group, and they will launch programs of their own which will not be traceable to us.”
Hughes, however, was not satisfied. He didn’t want O’Brien’s team, and he didn’t want O’Brien’s unofficial help. He wanted O’Brien.
“I was very impressed with the line up of political talent you mentioned,” he wrote Maheu, approving his roster of operatives. “However, Bob, I want a political oriented executive to be available full time.”
Hughes had already hired Richard Danner, a longtime Nixon associate who handled dealings between the penthouse and the White House through the new president’s closest friend, Bebe Rebozo. That took care of the Republicans.
“What I would like best would be to have both O’Brien and Danner,” continued Hughes, seeking control of both parties.
“Do you think O’Brien can be persuaded, on any reasonable basis, to change his mind and come back?
“I realize he is limited with Republicans, but that does not disturb me particularly.”
No, not with the Democrats in control of both houses of Congress and most of the federal regulatory agencies. He was not disturbed at all. And, as it turned out, O’Brien needed no persuading. His Wall Street firm had gone bankrupt, he was saddled with worthless stock options, and he had plunged deeply into debt.