Criminal Sociology [34]
for assaults ... ... 100 102 Ditto for stealing, larceny, and malicious offences ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 100 110
FRANCE. Cases tried by the Tribunals: For assault and wounding ... ... ... ... ... 100 134 For simple theft ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 100 116
So that in England not only the total delinquency, but more especially the commoner offences against the person and against property show a slighter increase than that which has been established for the same period in France. Whilst we do not overlook the greater increase of crimes against the person in England (coinciding, of course, with the doubling of the population in fifty-five years), this fact seems to me to prove the salutary influence of English organisations against certain social factors which lead up to delinquency (such as the care of foundlings, the guardianship of the poor, and so forth), notwithstanding the great development of economic activity, which is assuredly in no way inferior to that of France. The figures strengthen my conclusions as to the social factors of crime, and refute the optimistic theory of Poletti.
But the actual participation of each country in the general increase of crime in Europe is determined by other causes, outside of the artificial influences of different codes of law. And the most general and constant of these causes, in all the various physical and social environments, is the annual increase of population, which, by adding to the density of the inhabitants of each country, multiplies their material and legal relations to one another, and, consequently, the objective and subjective constituents of crime.
Taking the official Italian figures, which are also relied on by M. Levasseur, we find, for the periods corresponding to the variations of criminality, the following rates of increase in the population of the different countries. Ireland shows a decrease, owing to emigration.
Increase. Italy 22,104,789 in 1863--30,947,306 in 1889 40 per cent. '' 27,165,553 in 1873--30,565,188 in 1888 12 '' France 31,858,937 in 1826--38,218,903 in 1887 20 per cent. Belgium 4,072,619 in 1840-- 5,583,278 in 1885 44 '' Prussia 21,046,984 in 1852--26,614,428 in 1878 26 '' Germany 45,717,000 in 1882--47,540,000 in 1887 4 '' England 13,896,797 in 1831--27,870,586 in 1886 101 '' '' 20,066,224 in 1861--27,870,586 in 1886 39 '' Austria 20,217,531 in 1869--23,070,688 in 1886 14 '' Ireland 5,798,967 in 1861-- 4,777,545 in 1888 decrease 17 ''
It must, however, be observed, with regard to this increase of the population, firstly that it tells as a factor of criminality only in so far as it is not neutralised, wholly or in part, by other influences, mainly social, which prevent crime or render it less grave. Secondly, it is not right merely to compare the proportional rates of increase in the population with those of crime, as was done for instance by M. Bodio, who said that in Italy, from 1873 to 1883, ``since the population had increased by 7.5 per cent., crime might have increased during the same time by 7.5 per cent., without its being fair to say that it had actually increased.'' In point of fact, as M. Rossi remarked, since in Italy, and almost all the European States, the growth of the population is due to the excess of births over deaths (for emigration is more numerous than immigration), it is evident that, when we confine our attention to short periods, the addition to the population, consisting of children under ten or twelve years, does not increase crime in an appreciable degree. The deaths, on the other hand, must be subtracted from all stages of human life, but especially from the number of those who can and do commit crimes and offences.
Now, as we cannot in this place go into detail, I must confine myself to the statement of a few characteristic facts, as illustrated by European crime. Thus we perceive the influence of the great famine of 1846-7 on crimes against property in France and Belgium; the rapid
FRANCE. Cases tried by the Tribunals: For assault and wounding ... ... ... ... ... 100 134 For simple theft ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 100 116
So that in England not only the total delinquency, but more especially the commoner offences against the person and against property show a slighter increase than that which has been established for the same period in France. Whilst we do not overlook the greater increase of crimes against the person in England (coinciding, of course, with the doubling of the population in fifty-five years), this fact seems to me to prove the salutary influence of English organisations against certain social factors which lead up to delinquency (such as the care of foundlings, the guardianship of the poor, and so forth), notwithstanding the great development of economic activity, which is assuredly in no way inferior to that of France. The figures strengthen my conclusions as to the social factors of crime, and refute the optimistic theory of Poletti.
But the actual participation of each country in the general increase of crime in Europe is determined by other causes, outside of the artificial influences of different codes of law. And the most general and constant of these causes, in all the various physical and social environments, is the annual increase of population, which, by adding to the density of the inhabitants of each country, multiplies their material and legal relations to one another, and, consequently, the objective and subjective constituents of crime.
Taking the official Italian figures, which are also relied on by M. Levasseur, we find, for the periods corresponding to the variations of criminality, the following rates of increase in the population of the different countries. Ireland shows a decrease, owing to emigration.
Increase. Italy 22,104,789 in 1863--30,947,306 in 1889 40 per cent. '' 27,165,553 in 1873--30,565,188 in 1888 12 '' France 31,858,937 in 1826--38,218,903 in 1887 20 per cent. Belgium 4,072,619 in 1840-- 5,583,278 in 1885 44 '' Prussia 21,046,984 in 1852--26,614,428 in 1878 26 '' Germany 45,717,000 in 1882--47,540,000 in 1887 4 '' England 13,896,797 in 1831--27,870,586 in 1886 101 '' '' 20,066,224 in 1861--27,870,586 in 1886 39 '' Austria 20,217,531 in 1869--23,070,688 in 1886 14 '' Ireland 5,798,967 in 1861-- 4,777,545 in 1888 decrease 17 ''
It must, however, be observed, with regard to this increase of the population, firstly that it tells as a factor of criminality only in so far as it is not neutralised, wholly or in part, by other influences, mainly social, which prevent crime or render it less grave. Secondly, it is not right merely to compare the proportional rates of increase in the population with those of crime, as was done for instance by M. Bodio, who said that in Italy, from 1873 to 1883, ``since the population had increased by 7.5 per cent., crime might have increased during the same time by 7.5 per cent., without its being fair to say that it had actually increased.'' In point of fact, as M. Rossi remarked, since in Italy, and almost all the European States, the growth of the population is due to the excess of births over deaths (for emigration is more numerous than immigration), it is evident that, when we confine our attention to short periods, the addition to the population, consisting of children under ten or twelve years, does not increase crime in an appreciable degree. The deaths, on the other hand, must be subtracted from all stages of human life, but especially from the number of those who can and do commit crimes and offences.
Now, as we cannot in this place go into detail, I must confine myself to the statement of a few characteristic facts, as illustrated by European crime. Thus we perceive the influence of the great famine of 1846-7 on crimes against property in France and Belgium; the rapid