Death of a Dissident - Alex Goldfarb [22]
Soros, on the other hand, somewhere between a Keynesian and a covert socialist, believed that in moments of crisis, state interference was unavoidable. He advised Chubais to reintroduce customs tariffs to protect the most vulnerable sectors of Russia’s economy and to support Soros’s own campaign in Washington to create a social safety net for Russia, paid for by Western economic aid, a “social Marshall plan” that would prime the pump of demand by putting billions of dollars into the hands of ordinary Russians. Chubais wanted Soros to lead the way by investing in Russia himself, but Soros was too busy setting up multimillion-dollar charities and did not want to mix business and philanthropy. Besides, with the Communists gaining strength, he considered Russia too risky for investors.
Now, at Berezovsky’s tea table, it was Boris’s turn to try to lure George into a business partnership. Boris ardently believed that sooner or later, his 200 million ORT television viewers would turn into an enormous advertising market and his investment in the network would be richly rewarded. Meanwhile, however, he faced a deficit of $170 million, and he couldn’t afford it. He explained that he wanted to ask Soros for a loan of $100 million or so, with collateral in ORT shares plus an option to buy more. It was a package potentially worth a billion, he claimed. Moreover, by supporting the new progressive TV, Soros could really help democracy in Russia. After all, he noted, Soros had given $100 million to help Russian scientists without getting anything in exchange.
“By the way, why does he call us robber barons? Does he think that we’re all gangsters here, like Al Capone?” Boris inquired.
“Not exactly,” I said. I told him the story of the American tycoons and financiers of the Gilded Age. I told him about their mansions in Newport, where children are now taken on tours, just as Soviet children, as both of us well remembered, were taken to Lenin’s Tomb. “Those people are remembered not for how they made their money—they were no angels—but for building American industry and for their philanthropy. That was how Carnegie Hall, the Rockefeller Foundation, and Vanderbilt University came about. This is why Soros gives money to Russian scientists. He wants to be remembered not as ‘the man who broke the Bank of England’ but as a sponsor of democracy in the ex-USSR.”
For an instant, Boris seemed reflective. But his comeback was as quick as ever. “How interesting. Well, we will do that, too, as soon as we can. Have you heard about my Triumph Fund? It gives prizes in the arts. What if I were to contribute to your Science Foundation, put in a million and a half or so, would Soros agree?”
From the moment I met Berezovsky, I couldn’t rid myself of the thought that he did not fit in the ecosystem of the Russian power establishment. He was the Great Gatsby of Rublyovka, his mercurial temperament and grand visions incompatible with the lethargic but murderous ethos that permeates the Kremlin walls.
The inauguration of Logo VAZ Fellowships for Young Scientists at the Soros Foundation took place in the summer of 1995 in Moscow at the Great Hall of the Ministry of Science. As television cameras whirred, George and Boris shook hands. George gave a speech about passing on the philanthropic baton to a new Russian capitalist class. “Capitalism in Russia is only beginning; after all, you have to make money first in order to give it out. I’m very happy that things are going so well for you and that you have the same understanding I do of the importance of science and education.” Boris beamed.
As we drove away from the ceremony, however, George’s tone was different. I mentioned the Great Gatsby parallel. “Indeed,” George said. “I sympathize with him, but I’m afraid that he will end up badly. He is climbing up and doesn’t know where to stop. And the higher you climb, the farther you fall.”
By the end