Debt of Honor - Tom Clancy [381]
"You mean murder them?" Brett Hanson asked. He looked over at SecDef, who didn't react at all.
"Mr. Secretary, we don't want to engage their civilian population. That means we cannot attack their economy. We can't drop bridges in their cities. Their military is too decentralized in location to—"
"We can't do this," Hanson interrupted again.
"Mr. Secretary," Ryan said coolly, "can we at least hear what the plan is before we decide what we should and should not do?"
Hanson nodded gruffly, and Jackson continued his brief. "The pieces," he concluded, "are largely in place now. We've eliminated two of their air-surveillance assets—"
"When did that happen? How did we do it?"
"It happened last night, " Ryan answered. "How we did it is not your concern, sir."
"Who ordered it?" This question came from President Durling.
"I did, sir. It was well covered, and the operation went off without a hitch." Durling replied with his eyes that Ryan was pushing his limits again.
"How many people did that kill?" the Secretary of State demanded.
"About fifty, and that's two hundred or so less than the number of our people whom they killed, Mr. Secretary."
"Look, we can talk them out of the islands if we just take the time," SecState said, and now the argument was bilateral, with all the others watching.
"That's not what Adler says."
"Chris Cook thinks so, and he's got a guy inside their delegation."
Durling watched impassively, again letting his staff people—that's how he thought of them—handle the debate. For him there were other questions. Politics would again raise its ugly head. If he failed to respond to the crisis effectively, then he was out. Someone else would be President then, and that someone else would be faced in the following year at the latest with a wider crisis. Even worse, if the Russian intelligence estimate were correct and if Japan and China made their move on Siberia in the coming autumn, then another, larger crisis would strike during an American election cycle, seriously impeding his country's ability to deal with it, making everything a political debate, with an economy still trying to recover from a hundred-billion-dollar trade shortfall.
"If we fail to act now, Mr. Secretary, there's no telling how far this thing might go," Ryan was saying now.
"We can work this out diplomatically," Hanson insisted.
"And if not?" Durling asked.
"Then in due course we can consider a measured military response."
SecState's confidence was not reflected in SecDef's expression.
"You have something to add?" the President asked him.
"It will be some time—years—before we can assemble the forces necessary to—"
"We don't have years," Ryan snapped.
"No, I don't think that we do," Durling observed. "Admiral, will it work?"
"I think it can, sir. We need a few breaks to come our way, but we got the biggest one last night."
"We don't have the necessary forces to assure success," SecDef said.
"The Task Force commander just sent in his estimate and—"
"I've seen it," Jackson said, not quite able to conceal his uneasiness at the truth of the report." But I know the CAG, Captain Bud Sanchez. Known him for years, and he says he can do it, and I believe him. Mr. President, don't be overly affected by the numbers. It isn't about numbers. It's about fighting a war, and we have more experience in that than they do. It's about psychology, and playing to our strengths rather than theirs. War isn't what it used to be. Used to be you needed huge forces to destroy the enemy's capacity to fight and his ability to coordinate and command his forces. Okay, fifty years ago you needed a lot to do that, but the targets you want to hit are actually very small, and if you can hit those small targets, you accomplish the same thing now as you used to need a million men to do before."
"It's cold-blooded murder," Hanson snarled. "That's what it is."
Jackson turned from his place at the lectern. "Yes, sir, that's exactly what war is, but this way we're