Downing Street Years - Margaret Thatcher [168]
There was at first some opposition in Cabinet to Norman’s proposals, not all of which came from predictable quarters. But most of us were full of admiration for his boldness. He went away to consider some of the points made in discussion, but the package agreed by Cabinet in November was more or less on the lines he wanted. Norman announced our intentions to the House of Commons later that month. The bill was introduced the following February and the act’s main provisions finally came into force on 1 December 1982.
Far from being unpopular, these proposals were soon being criticized in some quarters on the grounds that they did not go far enough. The SDP were trying to out-flank us by urging greater use of mandatory secret ballots. Many of our own supporters wanted to see action to stop the abuses connected with the ‘political levy’, a substantial sum extracted from trade unionists largely for the benefit of the Labour Party. There was continuing pressure to do something to prevent strikes in essential services — pressure which always increased when there was a threat of public sector strikes, as happened frequently during 1982. But it would not have been practical to deal with all of these issues at once in a single bill: each raised complicated questions and we could not afford to make mistakes in this vital area. I was convinced that the giant step being taken by Norman on the immunity of trade union funds was sufficient for the moment. I was glad, however, that the atmosphere had changed and that the dangers of trade union power were now so much more widely understood. We were winning that battle too.
Norman and I had further discussions in the summer of 1982. In September he came forward with a paper containing his thoughts for new industrial relations legislation which would be formally submitted to ‘E’ Committee, with a view to inclusion in the manifesto. Norman had already announced that we would undertake consultations with interested parties on legislation that would require trade unions to use secret ballots for the election of their leaders. There was strong support in both Houses for mandatory secret ballots before industrial action. But we were divided on this.
Ministers now discussed what should be the priorities for the forthcoming consultative green paper. We agreed to concentrate on ballots for the election of trade union leaders, mandatory strike ballots, and the political levy. Norman had reservations about the use of compulsory ballots before strikes. We had previously concluded that these should be voluntary. Moreover, there were doubts whether or not the use of ballots would actually reduce the frequency and length of strikes. But I was very aware of the great advantages of linking trade union reform to the unassailable principle of democracy, and I was keen to see that the proposals on strike ballots were expressed in a positive way in the green paper.
We published the green paper under the title Democracy in Trade Unions, in January 1983. Ministers discussed in April where we should go from there. We had no difficulty deciding in favour of proposals relating to trade union elections and strike ballots. Two other issues proved much more difficult: the prevention of strikes in essential services and the political levy.
Public sector strikes and consequent disruption to the lives of the general public had been a feature of life in post-war Britain. Nineteen eighty-two was a particularly difficult year. There were two rail disputes. There was also a long and distressing strike in the National Health Service over pay, which began when ancillary workers took action in May and ended in mid-December. And industrial action in the water industry intensified