Downing Street Years - Margaret Thatcher [262]
But Michael was clearly restless and when John Nott told me that he did not intend to stand again for the next Parliament, I decided to give Michael his big chance and put him into Defence. There Michael’s strengths and weaknesses were both apparent. He defended our approach to nuclear arms with great panache and inflicted a series of defeats on CND and the Labour Left. He reorganized the MoD, rationalizing its traditional federal structure. Supported by me in the face of departmental obstruction, he brought in Peter Levene to run defence procurement on sound business lines.
These were real achievements. But Michael’s sense of priorities was gravely distorted by his personal ambitions and political obsessions. For while Michael Heseltine was becoming increasingly obsessed with a small West Country helicopter company with a turnover of something over £300 million, far more important issues escaped his interest. In particular, the Nimrod Airborne Early Warning System project which would have to be cancelled by George Younger in December 1986 after £660 million had been spent was running into grave difficulties while Michael Heseltine was at Defence. It would have been inconceivable for Leon Brittan, who was to fare so badly at Michael’s hands, to have let such a situation continue. The Nimrod affair constituted a unique — and uniquely costly — lesson in how not to monitor and manage defence procurement. A minister has to be prepared to work through the details if he is going to come to the right decisions and this Michael was always unwilling to do.
However complex the psychological drives of Michael Heseltine, the basic issue at stake in Westland was clear enough. It was whether the directors and shareholders of a private sector firm, heavily but not exclusively dependent on government orders, should be free to decide its future, or whether government should do so. In this sense an important issue was indeed at stake in Westland. If government manipulates its purchasing power, if it arbitrarily changes the rules under which a particular company’s financial decisions have to be made, and if it then goes on to lobby directly for a particular commercial option — these things are abuses of power. All my reading, thinking and experience has taught me that once the state plays fast and loose with economic freedom, political freedom risks being the next casualty.
The Westland helicopter company was small by international aerospace standards but it was Britain’s only helicopter manufacturer. Unlike the bulk of the aerospace industry it was never nationalized by the Labour Government and was reasonably profitable into the early 1980s. It then began to run into financial trouble. Mr Alan Bristow bid for the company in April 1985 and it was in the light of this that on 30 April Michael Heseltine informed me and other members of the Cabinet’s Overseas and Defence Committee of the Ministry of Defence’s view of Westland. Westland hoped to obtain an order from the Indian Government for helicopters partly financed from our Overseas Aid budget. But they were also looking to the MoD for crucial new orders: from Michael’s minute it was