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parents had a powerful role had to be substituted for the direct local authority control which had previously existed. But once this had been done and schools had effective governing bodies there was no reason to prevent their seeking grant-maintained status. Yet Malcolm resisted this. After receiving advice from the parliamentary business managers about the pressure on the legislative timetable, I reluctantly agreed that opting out provisions should not be included in his first Education Bill. But I pressed that such a provision should be included in the next session’s Scottish Education Bill. Malcolm claimed that there was not sufficient demand for opting out in Scotland. However, from my postbag and Brian Griffiths’s enquiries I knew otherwise. I insisted and had my way. In 1989 legislation was accordingly introduced to bring the opportunity of grant-maintained schools to Scotland.

Whatever the obstruction from Malcolm Rifkind, Michael Forsyth and I were not alone in believing that real changes to reduce the role of the state in Scotland were both necessary and possible. In housing, for example, ‘Scottish Homes’ — established in May 1989 — developed attractive and imaginative schemes to provide more choice for public sector tenants and to renovate run-down houses, selling some and letting others. Indeed, the organization generally proved more innovative than DoE efforts through Estate Action programmes in England. As regards the Government’s role in industry, Bill Hughes — Chairman of the Scottish CBI whom I later appointed Deputy Chairman of the Scottish Conservative Party — devised ‘Scottish Enterprise’, which mobilized private sector business to take over the functions of the old, more interventionist, Scottish Development Agency and other bodies.

I became convinced, however, that it was only by having someone who shared my commitment to fundamental change in Scotland spearheading the Party’s efforts there that real progress would be made. I did not want to move Malcolm Rifkind who, for better or worse, had established himself as a major political force. But the Chairman of the Scottish Conservative Party, Sir James (now Lord) Goold, for whose loyalty and dependability I always had the highest regard, had told me that he wished to stand down when I had found a suitable successor. Both he and I believed that that successor was now available in the form of Michael Forsyth.

Malcolm, however, was strongly opposed to this. I discussed the matter with him in January 1989. He went away to think of his own preferred candidates and decided to press for the appointment of Professor Ross Harper, shortly to be chosen as President of the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Association, the top post of the voluntary party in Scotland. Malcolm repeatedly argued that Michael Forsyth could not be spared from his ministerial duties in the Scottish Office. I was not satisfied by this and insisted that Michael should become Chairman. He could run his ministerial duties in parallel, as others had done before him. So in July I overrode Malcolm Rifkind’s objections and appointed Michael Chairman and Bill Hughes his Deputy.

Michael was the only Conservative politician in Scotland whom the Labour Party really feared. He was, therefore, bound to be the object of unrelenting attack in the left-wing media. But it was the opposition he faced from Conservatives which was to prove his undoing. The personal friction between him and Malcolm became steadily worse. A full-scale campaign of vilification was launched by Michael’s enemies and the Scottish press was full of talk of splits and factions.

Malcolm Rifkind now also fell back with a vengeance on the old counterproductive tactic of proving his Scottish virility by posturing as Scotland’s defender against Thatcherism. In March 1990, John Major delivered his first budget. Coming on the eve of the introduction of the community charge in England and Wales, it doubled from £8,000 to £16,000 the amount of savings a person could have and still not lose entitlement to community charge benefit. This