FDR - Jean Edward Smith [449]
118. Thomas Petzinger, Jr., Hard Landing 8 (New York: Random House, 1995).
119. Interview with Goodrich Murphy, cited in Neal, Happy Days 296.
120. Proceedings of the 1932 Democratic National Convention 372–383.
FOURTEEN | Nothing to Fear
The epigraph is from Roosevelt’s inaugural address, March 4, 1933. 2 Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt 11–16, Samuel I. Rosenman, ed. (New York: Random House, 1938).
1. Edward J. Flynn, You’re the Boss 122 (New York: Viking Press, 1947).
2. Quoted in Roy V. Peel and Thomas C. Donnelly, The 1932 Campaign: An Analysis 107 (New York: Farrar & Rinehart, 1935).
3. Proceedings of the 1932 Democratic National Convention 596–597 (Washington, D.C.: Democratic National Committee, 1932).
4. James A. Farley, Behind the Ballots 176–177 (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1938). Also see Frank Freidel, Franklin D. Roosevelt: The Triumph 337 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1956).
5. The New York Times, July 6, 1932. For details of the trip, see Robert F. Cross, Sailor in the White House: The Seafaring Life of FDR 57–63 (Annapolis, Md.: Naval Institute Press, 2003).
6. The New York Times, July 12, 1932.
7. Robert F. Cross interview with Curtis Roosevelt, October 15, 1994, in Cross, Sailor in the White House 64.
8. The New York Times, July 13, 16, 17, 18, 1932.
9. Farley took it upon himself to repair relations with Tammany. Immediately following the convention, the new party chairman ventured into the wigwam on Seventeenth Street to “smoke the pipe of peace with the Tammany leaders,” as he put it. The occasion was the annual Fourth of July celebration, and Farley, uninvited, made the most of the meeting. “They were friendly enough, and I got the impression that it helped considerably to have me extend the olive branch first. A news writer in describing the incident said the good will of the Tammany Sachems was won over when I remarked, ‘Aren’t we all Democrats?’ It was a great line and I certainly would have used it if it had occurred to me.” Farley, Behind the Ballots 157.
10. Ibid. 158.
11. As Louis Howe put it, “It was determined that the state organizations themselves, not only theoretically but in reality, were to be entirely responsible for the campaign in their respective territories.” Louis McHenry Howe, North American Newspaper Alliance article, December 1932, quoted in Peel and Donnelly, 1932 Campaign 113–116.
12. Hull to Farley, July 14, 1932; Farley to Hull, July 15, 1932. Democratic National Committee manuscripts, 1932. FDRL.
13. Howe, North American Newspaper Alliance article.
14. Farley, Behind the Ballots 159–160, 194.
15. For the text of Hoover’s campaign speeches, see 2 State Papers and Other Public Writings of Herbert Hoover 289–487, William Starr Myers, ed. (New York: Doubleday, Doran, 1934).
16. Flynn, You’re the Boss 120.
17. Samuel I. Rosenman, Working with Roosevelt 80 (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1952).
18. The 1932 election expenses are based on figures filed by the two parties with the Clerk of the House of Representatives, as required by the Corrupt Practices Act of 1925 (43 Stat. 1070). For a detailed analysis, see Louise Overacker, “Campaign Funds in a Depression Year,” American Political Science Review 769–783 (October 1933). Also see Louise Overacker, Money in Elections (New York: Macmillan, 1932).
19. Peel and Donnelly, 1932 Campaign 116.
20. Aggregate expenses for both parties in 1932 totaled $5,146,027. With 39,816,522 votes cast, the cost per vote was 12.9 cents.
21. In 1924, Congress passed the Adjusted Compensation Act (43 Stat. 121) to pay former servicemen for the time spent away from home in World War I. Each veteran would receive a life insurance policy in 1925, which could be cashed after twenty years for $500 plus interest. These were the bonuses at issue. The story of the Bonus Army is told most effectively by Paul Dickson and Thomas B. Allen in their carefully researched and eminently readable The Bonus Army: An American Epic (New York: Walker and Company, 2004).
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