Forbidden Archeology_ The Full Unabridged Edition - Michael A. Cremo [197]
According to Rutot, these peculiarly marked stones might superficially resemble other tool types such as anvils, racloirs, or grattoirs. But he pointed out that “they are different from these in the violence and the irregularity of the blows inflicted upon them and also by the presence of the flint cortex on the surface marked by the blows, which eliminates any supposition that these are actual cutting implements” (Rutot 1907, p. 467). The working edges of implements are almost always free of cortex.
Regarding his hypothesis that the pieces of flint in question might have been used for making fire, Rutot (1907, p. 467) mentioned in a footnote: “The same idea has been nicely expressed by E. Lartet and Christy in Reliquiae aquitanicae, pages 85–86 and also pages 138–140. One sees that some Mousterian specimens are represented as briquets for making fire, and the very interesting explanation is given that the fire was obtained not only by friction of flint and pyrite but by flint against flint. A note calls attention to the fact that in England, in Norfolk and Suffolk, up until a century ago, people used the friction of two flints to obtain fire. Dried moss was used as the combustible substance while one rapidly moved two pieces of flint together.”
All in all, Rutot believed the present-day implements that the objects in question most singularly resembled were briquets, flints used for making fire.
Rutot (1907, pp. 467– 478) wrote: “One could respond that it is a bit rash to think that the primitive humans of Boncelles made fire; nevertheless, I have some reasons to think that they did have knowledge of the usage of fire, but the moment has not come to introduce them. In any case, the humans of Mesvin and Reutel did know how to make fire, and we encounter in the debris of their industries stones that look like briquets. At Boncelles, stones of the exact same type are found, and these also appear to have been used as briquets. We therefore believe it is useful to point out, with some reserve, and by means of comparison, that the stones with special signs of usage and flaking at Boncelles could in fact be either briquets or pierres à feu (fire stones).”
Rutot (1907, p. 468) then stated: “So we have now conducted our review of the variegated industry of the intelligent beings of the Oligocene, and we are justifiably astonished at their expertise, given the vast duration of time that has elapsed since they were present. On the other hand, when we examine the industry of the recent Tasmanians, which has been brought to light by the research of Dr. Noetling, then we are no less justifiably astonished to see its extraordinarily primitive and rudimentary character. So the truth, after direct comparison, is that the two industries are exactly the same [Figure 4.39] and that the Tasmanians, now annihilated, but still in existence just sixty years ago, were at the same level of culture as the very primitive inhabitants of Boncelles and the Hautes Fagnes.” Only the materials from which the Tasmanian tools were made were different— quartzite, diabase, granite, and similar types of rock rather than flint.
Figure 4.39. Implements manufactured by native Tasmanians in recent historical times (Rutot 1907, pp. 470 – 477). Rutot said they resembled almost exactly the tools from the Oligocene period at Boncelles, Belgium. (a) Side scraper (racloir), compare Figure 4.33. (b) Pointed implement (perçoir), compare Figure 4.34. (c) Anvil (enclume), compare Figure 4.27. (d) Stone knife (couteau), compare Figure 4.28. (e) Double end scraper (grattoir double), compare Figure 4.35c. (f) Awl (perçoir), compare Figure 4.37. (g) End scraper (grattoir), compare Figure 4.36.
At some Tasmanian campsites, noted Rutot, Klaatsch found vast numbers of stone implements, attributing