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By Root 2076 0

such temptation, yet neither are those innocent who lay the bait in their way; that to suffer the civil magistrate to intrude his powers into the field of opinion, and to restrain the profession or propagation of principles on supposition of their ill tendency, is a dangerous fallacy, which at once destroys all religious liberty, because he being of course judge of that tendency will make his opinions the rule of judgment, and approve or condemn the sentiments of others only as they shall square with or differ from his own; that it is time enough for the rightful purposes of civil government, for its officers to interfere when principles break out into overt acts against peace and good order; and finally, that truth is great and will prevail if left to herself, that she is the proper and sufficient antagonist to error, and has nothing to fear from the conflict, unless by human interposition disarmed of her natural weapons, free argument and debate, errors ceasing to be dangerous when it is permitted freely to contradict them:

Be it enacted by the General Assembly, That no man shall be compelled to frequent or support any religious worship, place, or ministry whatsoever, nor shall be enforced, restrained, molested, or burthened in his body or goods, nor shall otherwise suffer on account of his religious opinions or belief; but that all men shall be free to profess, and by argument to maintain, their opinion in matters of religion, and that the same shall in no way diminish, enlarge, or affect their civil capacities.

And though we well know that this assembly elected by the people for the ordinary purposes of legislation only, have no power to restrain the acts of succeeding assemblies, constituted with powers equal to our own, and that therefore to declare this act to be irrevocable would be of no effect in law; yet we are free to declare, and do declare, that the rights hereby asserted are of the natural rights of mankind, and that if any act shall be hereafter passed to repeal the present, or to narrow its operation, such act will be an infringement of natural right.

THE ROAD TO PHILADELPHIA

James Madison: Letter to James Monroe (March 19, 1786)

PAGE 307

Benjamin Rush: Address to the People of the United States (June 3, 1786)

PAGE 308

Alexander Hamilton: Address of the Annapolis Convention (1786)

PAGE 313

Resolution of Congress (February 21, 1787)

PAGE 316

James Madison: Vices of the Political System of the United States (April 1787)

PAGE 317

James Madison: Letter to George Washington (April 16, 1787)

PAGE 324

DURING HIS TERM IN Congress (1780-1783), James Madison was deeply involved in the efforts to ratify and amend the Articles of Confederation. Once he returned to Virginia, he continued to do whatever he could to persuade his fellow legislators to support Congress and the Confederation. Through his correspondence with James Monroe, who had replaced him in the Virginia delegation, he remained well informed about doings in Congress. But by early 1786 Madison was coming to the conclusion that the formal procedures for amending the Articles, which required the unanimous approval of the states, were unworkable. With some misgivings, he supported a resolution of the Virginia assembly inviting other legislatures to send deputies to a meeting to discuss the need to provide Congress with the power to regulate commerce. When the appointed time came, however, only a dozen commissioners from five states appeared at Mann’s Tavern in Annapolis, too few to proceed with the business at hand.

Rather than simply adjourn without doing anything, the commissioners opted to pursue a risky gambit. Drawing upon the language of the credentials of the New Jersey deputies, the Annapolis commissioners issued a call for a second convention to meet at Philadelphia in May 1787. In the months to come, all the states but Rhode Island agreed to appoint deputies to this second convention. The cause of reform was advanced when Congress itself endorsed the convention, even though this meant approving a proceeding