Ghost on the Throne - James S. Romm [152]
15 on several occasions: As mentioned by Plutarch at Eumenes 6.3, though unfortunately without elaboration.
16 Years before, in India: The episode is described by Curtius (8.12.17–18) and also referred to obliquely by Plutarch (Alexander 59.5).
17 A full-scale battle loomed: Curtius (10.7.18) even reports that javelins were hurled within the throne room and wounds were incurred, though this is not confirmed by other sources.
18 Meleager explained to King Philip: This exchange, and the details of the arrest attempt and its aftermath, are described by Curtius (10.8.1–7).
19 like a hollow sham: The atmosphere among the mutineers is vividly described by Curtius 10.8.8–9.
20 an impassioned speech: The content of the address is preserved by Justin 13.3.9–10.
21 a paralytic state: The grim suggestion was first made, to my knowledge, by N. G. L. Hammond in Alexander the Great: King, Commander, and Statesman, 2nd ed. (London, 1989), p. 305 n. 174. Dr. David W. Oldach of the University of Maryland School of Medicine gave “ascending paralysis” as part of his diagnosis of Alexander’s death, largely on the basis of the report of non-putrefaction (“A Mysterious Death,” New England Journal of Medicine 338, no. 24 [June 11, 1998], p. 1766).
22 a further stratagem: This episode and the lustration that follows are described by Curtius 10.9.7–19.
23 thirty staunchest supporters: The manuscripts of Curtius actually give the number three hundred, but this is often changed to the more plausible thirty by editors of the Latin text. In the Greek texts on which Curtius was relying, the difference of a decimal place would be indicated by a single small slash, easily misread or miswritten by scribes.
24 one, more likely both: Plutarch says the victims were Stateira and “the sister,” which if correct would mean Stateira and Drypetis, Hephaestion’s widow. But he may have gotten his genealogy confused and referred to Parysatis, Stateira’s cousin and close friend, as her sister. That at least is the view of Carney in Women and Monarchy.
25 History knows the pair: The custom of assigning Roman numerals to kings who bear the same name arose in medieval England. The ancient world distinguished such kings by the use of patronymics, for example, “Alexander son of Philip.”
26 It was resolved: There is no clear information as to how the idea of the satrapal division arose. Diodorus (18.2.4) indicates it came from the general will of the army; Curtius (10.10.1) says that a meeting of the leadership, convened by Perdiccas, resolved on this step, and also notes that some of his sources claimed that the dead Alexander had called for it in his will (10.10.5). It is also unclear whether the Bodyguards wanted to leave Babylon to become satraps or were coerced into doing so; I have assumed the former, in contrast to Bosworth (Legacy of Alexander, pp. 57–58).
27 Ptolemy wanted Egypt: Again, my assumption is that the distribution of the satrapies was desired by the Bodyguards, not forced on them (see previous note), but this cannot be proved. Under this scenario, Ptolemy, as most powerful Bodyguard after Perdiccas, would have demanded the best satrapy, which was undoubtedly Egypt. Another view, however, regards Ptolemy’s appointment to Egypt as a kind of banishment inflicted by Perdiccas.
28 some modern scholars: The debate over the authenticity of the last plans can best be followed in the discussion by Brian Bosworth, in chapter 8 of From Arrian to Alexander: Studies in Historical Interpretation (Oxford, 1988). Bosworth himself believes the plans are genuine.
29 wanted these plans quashed: The intention of Perdiccas to void the plans, and his fear of arbitrarily contravening the wishes of Alexander, are both reported by Diodorus (18.4.2–3). The plans themselves are reported by Diodorus at 18.4.4–5, our only source for them.
30 Most were never contemplated again: I say “most” because of the possibility that the Great