Ghost on the Throne - James S. Romm [161]
28 The humility of the gesture: I am guessing that Eumenes’ humility is the point of Antipater’s laughter. In Plutarch’s account (Eumenes 8.3), Antipater utters a jest that explained what was so funny, but I find the remark impenetrably obscure. Brian Bosworth, in a private communication, has offered an elaborate interpretation of the joke but has also acknowledged its obscurity. Humorous or pithy remarks recorded by ancient writers often pose some of the gravest problems for modern interpreters.
29 Ptolemy’s defense: Probably not delivered by Ptolemy in person, though the source, Events After Alexander 1.28, leaves open that possibility.
30 to draw off water: The stratagem is mentioned only by Diodorus (18.33.2) in terms that are somewhat obscure. It appears Perdiccas attempted to open an old, disused canal, but a sudden incursion of water destroyed his engineering works.
31 At first light: The details of Perdiccas’ disastrous Egyptian campaign are taken from Diodorus (18.33–36.5), by far our most complete source for the episode.
32 Had this victory been known: The hypothesis is not my own but that recorded by Diodorus (18.37.1), probably based on the original judgment of Hieronymus.
Chapter 7: The Fortunes of Eumenes
1 Whether such contacts preceded: There is no evidence in the sources of collusion between Peithon and Ptolemy in Perdiccas’ murder, but scholars often assume it took place, based on the political skills of Ptolemy. There were enough defectors and spies passing back and forth that it would have been easy for the two to stay in contact.
2 before the assembled army: Such is the version of Diodorus (18.36.6); Arrian, by contrast, seems to have described a smaller meeting, between Ptolemy and the army leadership (Events After Alexander 1.28).
3 he took the liberty of commandeering: An inference based on the fact that Ptolemy later had Indian war elephants in his possession, and this seems to have been his best opportunity to get hold of them. African elephants, though freely available in Egypt, were not trained for use in war until after Ptolemy’s death.
4 Alexander had promised one: The evidence is ambiguous because of the uncertainties over the Greek text in a crucial passage of Arrian’s Anabasis. At 7.8.1 of that work, where Alexander is dispatching the veterans from Opis, our manuscripts also have him promising to give rewards to those staying (with him). However, some modern editors delete the word that translates “those staying” on the assumption that Alexander wanted to reward those leaving his service, not those remaining in Asia. The demands made by his veterans after his death, however, argue in favor of the manuscript text.
5 (Perdiccas’ brother-in-law Attalus): Attested by Arrian, Events After Alexander 1.33. Some scholars believe this was a different Attalus from the officer in Perdiccas’ regime, who had been condemned to death by the royal army and therefore would not be quick to show himself among them. I have followed Heckel (Who’s Who) and others in assuming this was indeed the Attalus who had served under Perdiccas.
6 the rescue effort: Details of the scene that follows are taken from Polyaenus 4.6.4, supplemented by Arrian, Events After Alexander 1.33.
7 ten or more Nicanors: Heckel in Who’s Who lists twelve but with notes in the biographies of several that indicate they may be identical with others already listed. The effort to disentangle people who share common names is one of the most challenging forms of historical research; Bosworth’s “New Macedonian Prince” is a brilliant example, involving the disambiguation of two other important Nicanors.
8 his father twitted him: Such a delightful story can have come only from Plutarch (Demetrius 14).
9 as champion of that cause: My views of the motives of Perdiccas, and especially of Eumenes, are more generous than those of many historians. It is