Ghost on the Throne - James S. Romm [166]
13 foiled in an attempt: Apparently, Eumenes learned of a disused canal in the area and reopened it, causing the water to be carried away again.
14 no doubt sensationalized report: The description of the battle is attributed to Duris of Samos by the writer who quotes it, Athenaeus (13.560f). Duris wrote a narrative history, now lost, of events in the Greek world from the mid-fourth to the early third century. He is not regarded as a very reliable source, though Plutarch sometimes made use of him.
15 Perhaps she thought: Carney (Olympias, p. 76) offers a different explanation for the walling up of the monarchs, that Olympias hoped to force Philip to abdicate the throne.
16 opening his grave: See Diodorus 19.11.8 and Plutarch Alexander 77.1. It is curious Olympias did not do likewise to the tomb of Antipater; evidently, she still observed some limits out of respect for Macedonian public opinion.
17 imperious and solitary: Attested by Plutarch Demetrius 28.5, where the anecdote that follows can also be found.
18 Inside the Susa cache: Its contents were later inventoried by Antigonus and recorded by Diodorus (19.48.6–8). Chares of Mytilene attests to the use of the “Climbing Vine” as a royal bedchamber adornment (Athenaeus 12.514f).
19 a hard road into Media: The story of Antigonus’ difficult passage through Media is told by Diodorus at 19.19. Antigonus chose a mountainous route to escape the heat, but refused to bribe the tribesmen who lived along it and was therefore constantly harassed and blocked as he made his way north.
20 she might hope to be rescued: Diodorus attributes this hope to her at 19.35.6.
21 unprecedented grandeur: Alexander’s banquet at Opis, on which Peucestas’ feast was clearly modeled, is said to have had nine thousand guests.
22 while his men fretted: Their anxiety increased when the gleam of the enemy’s armor was sighted in the distance. According to Plutarch, some of the troops vowed not to fight until Eumenes was back in command; Eumenes had his litter brought alongside them, drew back the curtains, and feebly extended a hand, prompting a vigorous battle cry from the men (Plutarch Eumenes 14.3). But Bosworth (“History and Artifice”) and Roisman (“Hieronymus of Cardia”) are skeptical.
23 The two armies: For details of the battles of Paraetacene and Gabene, I am grateful for the analyses in chapter 4 of Bosworth’s Legacy of Alexander and in the two articles by Devine listed in the bibliography under “Eumenes.” The basic narrative of events comes from Diodorus; Plutarch’s Eumenes becomes confused and abbreviated when it reaches these two battles.
24 Gabene: The spelling here used is that found in Diodorus and Plutarch; other sources use “Gabiene,” and this is often seen in modern writings as well. Bosworth locates the region near modern Isfahan, Iran (Legacy of Alexander, p. 127).
25 he made haste to cremate his dead: Polyaenus reports the ploy (4.6.10) without specifying what battle it followed, but Paraetacene gives the most fitting context.
Chapter 10: The Closing of the Tombs
1 after which it disappeared: The fate of Alexander’s body, or the possibility of its recovery, has been the focus of much speculation and lore. An amusing survey has been compiled by Nicholas Saunders, Alexander’s Tomb: The Two-Thousand Year Obsession to Find the Lost Conqueror (New York, 2006).
2 They revered no commander: Unique information provided by Justin (14.2). The details that follow regarding Eumenes’ flattery of the Shields are from the same passage.
3 oaths of allegiance: Justin has Eumenes make reference to these in his final speech to the Shields at 14.4.
4 plotting against his life: The plot is discussed by Plutarch at Eumenes 16. Apparently, Eudamus brought word to Eumenes that the satraps and Silver Shields were planning to have him assassinated directly after