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30. Sharp, In Contempt, pp. 226–37.

31. Ibid., p. 250; See also Underdown, Revel, Riot and Rebellion, pp. 159–60. For Waltham and Windsor, see above, pp. 234–5.

32. Keith Lindley, Fenland Riots and the English Revolution (London, 1982), pp. 148–60, quotation at p. 149; See also Clive Holmes, ‘Drainers and Fenmen: The Problem of Popular Political Consciousness in the Seventeenth Century’, in Anthony Fletcher and John Stevenson (eds.), Order and Disorder in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 166–95.

33. Quoted in Sharp, In Contempt, p. 249.

34. The title page noted that the manifesto had been read by a lawyer to a crowd of 4,000 ‘armed with clubs, swords, bills, pitchforks and other several weapons’: The Desires and Resolutions, title page.

35. Sharp, In Contempt, p. 226.

36. Sharp’s brief catalogue of violence makes surprisingly frequent reference to the presence of firearms: ibid., p. 226. This may have been true in any number of local communities. In April 1644 a nameless ‘stout fellow’ arrived in the Suffolk village of Walberswick to keep commoners’ cattle off the marshland claimed by his employer, Sir Robert Brooke. He started a fight in which he received mortal wounds and indirectly gave a name to ‘Bloody Marsh’. It reopened a particularly violent round of dispute in a long-running contest over access to the lands, reflecting the dislocation of the legal system which had previously regulated and decided the issue: Peter Warner, Bloody Marsh: A Seventeenth-Century Village in Crisis (Bollington, 2000), esp. ch. 9.

37. Quoted in Morrill, Revolt of the Provinces, 1st edn, p. 196.

38. Underdown, Revel, Riot and Rebellion, p. 157.

39. Quoted in Morrill, Revolt of the Provinces, 1st edn, p. 196.

40. For the New Model see Gentles, New Model Army, pp. 61–6; for the fate of the Herefordshire movement see Hutton, Royalist War Effort, pp. 170–71; Morrill, Revolt in the Provinces, 2nd edn, pp. 148–51.

41. Michael J. Braddick, Parliamentary Taxation in Seventeenth-Century England: Local Administration and Response (Woodbridge, 1994), pp. 177–92, 285–6; Michael J. Braddick, The Nerves of State: Taxation and the Financing of the English State, 1558–1714 (Manchester, 1996), pp. 168–9, 170–74.

42. Peter Edwards, Dealing in Death: The Arms Trade and the British Civil Wars, 1638-52 (Stroud, 2000), p. 63.

43. There was a second disturbance on 4 July, another market day, which prompted the collector to make the complaint on which this account is based: reprinted in Braddick, Nerves of State, pp. 222–4. The second disturbance arose from a renewed attempt to collect the excise, prompted by a visit from the London commissioners: there is little doubt that the riots were connected with consideration of the problems through the formal channels.

44. Keith Lindley, Popular Politics and Religion in Civil War London (Aldershot, 1997), pp. 5–6; see above, p. 418.

45. For Haverford West see Morrill, Revolt of the Provinces, 1st edn, pp. 182–3; for women and grain riots see John Walter, ‘Grain Riots and Popular Attitudes to the Law: Malden and the Crisis of 1629’, reprinted in John Walter, Crowds and Popular Politics in Early Modern England (Manchester, 2006), pp. 27–66, at pp. 40–41.

46. Braddick, Nerves of State, pp. 223–4.

47. Ibid.

48. Braddick, Parliamentary Taxation, esp. p. 182. It was also true in the 1660s: ibid., pp. 211–20, 252–66; See also Braddick, Nerves of State, pp. 169–74, 221–6.

49. For the uneasy relationship between Leveller and army politics with regard to the excise see Michael J. Braddick, ‘Popular Politics and Public Policy: The Excise Riot at Smithfield in February 1647 and Its Aftermath’, HJ, 34 (1991), 597–626, at pp. 618–21. For a sensitive consideration of the possibilities for developing local connections between soldiers and civilians see Daniel C. Beaver, Parish Communities and Religious Conflict in the Vale of Gloucester 1590–1690 (Cambridge, Mass., 1998), pp. 204–11.

50. Morrill, Revolt in the Provinces, 2nd edn, pp. 160–61, 164–6.

51. Ibid., pp. 166–9.

52. For Willis, see Underdown,