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As Iraqi resistance to the US invasion fell apart, there were signs that Assad appeared to be complying with Washington’s demands and that a diplomatic resolution to the crisis was in the cards. On April 16, the US Central Command (CENTCOM) in Qatar announced that the numbers of people moving between Syria and Iraq had fallen sharply, due in part to the deployment of US forces along the frontier. Later the same day, Powell announced that he would soon visit Damascus for a “very vigorous diplomatic exchange” with President Assad. Two Iraqi regime members who had taken refuge in Syria—including Saddam Hussein’s bodyguard and a son-in-law—showed up back in Iraq a few days later. By April 20—a mere month after US forces invaded Iraq—President Bush announced that there were “positive signs” coming out of Damascus regarding American demands.18

For most of the summer, tensions seemed to ease between Washington and Damascus. On May 3, Powell made his third and arguably most high-profile visit to Damascus. During the discussions, Powell addressed the issues of (1) Iraqi border security; (2) Damascus’s harboring of high level Baathists from Saddam Hussein’s regime; (3) Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and other Palestinian militant group offices in Damascus; and (4) Syria’s WMD program. A number of Bush administration officials, led by undersecretary of state for arms control John Bolton, expressed concern about Syria’s stockpiles of chemical weapons, most notably sarin nerve gas, which could be loaded onto Syria’s large stockpile of Scud missiles. Bolton also expressed concern about Syria’s development of biological weapons as well as its pursuit of nuclear cooperation with Russia, which “provides opportunities for Syria to expand its indigenous capabilities, should it decide to pursue nuclear weapons.” In an interview on April 15, Bolton said, “I’m not saying they’re doing anything specific…. I’m just saying it’s a worrisome pattern that we’ve seen.”19

Powell’s visit had mixed results. Powell cited “some closures” of the offices of Islamic Jihad, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine–General Command (PFLP-GC), and Hamas following his visit, but calls to these facilities indicated they were still open.20 The number of foreign fighters continued to be lower than during the first weeks of the war, but the issue of Iraqi Baathists fleeing to Syria remained a sore point. On June 18, US forces in “hot pursuit” of a convoy of SUVs suspected of carrying Iraqi officials penetrated some twenty-five miles into Syrian territory. Iraqi officials were not found in the convoy.

Nevertheless, with increased reports of foreign fighters crossing the Syrian frontier into Iraq as well as accusations that Syria was harboring remnants of Saddam Hussein’s regime and arsenal, those voices within the administration advocating a hard line with Damascus won out. In September, the Bush administration allowed Bolton to testify before a congressional subcommittee hearing on Syria’s efforts to develop weapons of mass destruction (having prevented him doing so two months earlier). While much of the information was not new, the hearing marked the first time that the Bush administration, in the words of the New York Times, “presented a detailed, public assessment of such activities.” Bolton said that Syria had developed “a stockpile of the nerve agent sarin that can be delivered by aircraft or ballistic missiles, and has engaged in the research and development of more toxic and persistent nerve agents such as VX” and “is continuing to develop an offensive biological weapons capability.” Bolton also reported on Syrian efforts to acquire nuclear technology, adding that Russia and Syria “have approved a draft program on cooperation on civil nuclear power”—all expertise that could be applied to a nuclear weapons program.21

As OBG expanded into more countries, the pace of expansion was getting to be too much for me. Traveling every week to a new country might sound glamorous, but it takes its toll. I spent most of my time at