Infidels_ A History of the Conflict Between Christendom and Islam - Andrew Wheatcroft [235]
60. See Athanassoglou-Kallmyer, French Images, pp. 11–12.
61. Nina Athanassoglou-Kallmyer draws a strong connection between the two: “By joining regular to irregular, and classical to expressive, Delacroix’s cartoons reveal a balanced dualism—sublime and grotesque … the prints are significant as early exemplars of similar solutions observed in Delacroix’s painting. In … Massacres on Chios for example conventionally constructed scenes are punctuated by elements of the grotesque … possibly derived from graphic satire.” Part of the success of this picture was that it appealed to “the street.” See Athanassoglou-Kallmyer, Eugène Delacroix, p. 112.
62. Massacre of the Greeks at Missolonghi (1827).
63. François-Emile de Lansac, Scene from the Siege of Missolonghi (1828), in Athanassoglou-Kallmyer, French Images, p. 81.
CHAPTER 11: “A BROAD LINE OF BLOOD”
1. The words are Gladstone’s in Bulgarian Horrors.
2. Skene describes how this was decreed for the Ottoman navy, but in theory to be extended more generally: “Everything had, however, been done to eradicate these apprehensions [Christian fears of Muslims], even to the prohibition of the terms Raya and Ghiaur, which were made punishable offences in the navy, where Christians and Turks were thrown together, and it can now only be the effect of time.” The legislation was not effective. See Skene, A British Resident, vol. 2, p. 332.
3. Perhaps “Turcophilia” implies too much amity. Most of those who sympathized with the Turks were also fierce critics of what they considered their deep and inherent weaknesses.
4. I suggest that through most of the eighteenth century, attraction rather than repulsion was the rule, while the balance shifted early in the nineteenth century; but in the second half a degree of attraction had returned.
5. Gladstone, Bulgarian Horrors, p. 15.
6. Ussama Makdisi has convincingly shown how the traditional acceptance by Druze, Maronite Christians, and Muslims of their neighbors of other faiths was overthrown by the external pressures of Ottoman modernization and Western missionaries (with the consuls and navies ever present in the background). See Ussama Makdisi, The Culture of Sectarianism.
7. See Kamil S. Salibi, “The 1860 Upheaval in Damascus,” in William R. Polk and Richard L. Chambers (eds.), The Beginnings of Modernization in the Middle East: The Nineteenth Century, Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1968, pp. 185–202. The Ottomans held Arab Muslim notables responsible in exactly the same way that they had Christians and Jews in other incidents. Sixty-one were hanged and 111 shot in a meadow outside the city. Other leading Damascenes were exiled. Others complained that after 1860 “Christians and Europeans, patriarchs and bishops were given undue precedence.”
8. See Magris, Danube, p. 327.
9. See Engin Akarli, The Long Peace.
10. Public Record Office FO 78/1520, “Report of Cyril Graham Esq., on the Conditions of the Christians in the Districts of Hasbeya and Rasheya,” in Brant (consulate, Damascus) to Russell (London), August 13, 1860.
11. Shannon, Gladstone, p. 22. Shannon’s book is an exemplary study of the process by which publications generate political actions and attitudes.
12. E. A. Freeman, “The English People in Relation to the Eastern Question,” Contemporary Review, February 1877, cited in Shannon, Gladstone, p. 14.
13. In a letter from Stuart Poole to Henry Liddon, February 4, 1877; cited in Shannon, Gladstone, p. 33.
14. See Jane Robinson, Angels of Albion: Women of the Indian Mutiny, London: Penguin, 1997. The official investigation after the mutiny produced no evidence of sexual violation. Copulation with an Englishman would have caused a catastrophic loss of caste for a Hindu, and there is no record of Muslims raping Christian women in India. However, the implication of sexual