Known and Unknown - Donald Rumsfeld [73]
Tensions appeared to come to a head in one meeting, when Kissinger expressed his concern that the State Department was doing things without coordinating them with the National Security Council, meaning him. Specifically, he believed that Secretary of State Rogers had communicated with the Soviet leadership without his knowledge. Haldeman, who was not intimidated by anyone, even the formidable Kissinger, responded that Kissinger had done the exact same thing when he met with Soviet ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin without informing Rogers. Kissinger bristled at Haldeman’s suggestion. He rumbled that he had only spoken to foreign officials outside of regular channels when the President directed him not to inform the State Department. He was, of course, ignoring the possibility that Rogers had also acted at Nixon’s direction. In any event, Kissinger then stormed out of the room.8
Fifteen minutes later, Kissinger returned. He informed the group that Haldeman’s comment was “inadmissible.” Cryptically, he added that he was now reconsidering “the other matter” he had discussed with Haldeman. I later learned that the other matter Kissinger referred to was choosing between resigning from the faculty of Harvard to stay on in the Nixon administration—and losing tenure—or returning to academia. Kissinger, who at times used the threat of resigning as a bargaining chip, was suggesting that he might change his mind and return to Harvard unless Secretary Rogers stopped dealing with foreign governments without his knowledge.
Ultimately, Kissinger would replace William Rogers as secretary of state while retaining his position at the NSC. During the period when Henry wore both hats, all he had to do was talk to himself to ensure good communications between State and the NSC. But a president benefits from a range of viewpoints. I thought Kissinger was most effective, and President Nixon and the country better served, when he was filling a single post.
I preferred having more substantive responsibilities to functioning as a general adviser and troubleshooter in the White House. The President and I had several conversations during this period in which we discussed possible future assignments for me, such as U.S. special trade representative, deputy secretary of state, and U.S. ambassador to NATO.9 He seemed to enjoy these discussions, which were an opportunity for him to be actively involved in mentoring younger members of his administration.
In fact, the President frequently considered staff shake-ups, possibly to make sure he always had fresh eyes looking at important issues—and also, I suspect, to keep people on their toes. It was something of a hobby for him—like a general war gaming moves on a map.
To this end, shortly after the 1970 midterm elections, the President called a small group to Key Biscayne for a day-long meeting.10 He was now looking ahead to his 1972 reelection campaign and told us he wanted to make some personnel changes in the administration. He mused aloud about all sorts of possibilities. As the meeting went on, I stepped out to the men’s room. When I returned, the President looked at me.
“Don, we’re going to make Rogers Morton Secretary of the Interior and make you Secretary of Housing and Urban Development,” Nixon said matter-of-factly. He was going to fire the current secretary of HUD, former Michigan governor George Romney. Another former governor in his cabinet, Walter Hickel, Secretary of the Interior, was going to be fired as well.
I looked around the room. The idea of my going to HUD apparently was fine by everyone else. I wondered what had happened in my absence to lead to this strange idea. I said I’d have to think about it, knowing that as a congressman I had voted against making Housing and Urban Development a cabinet-level post.11
A day or so later, I talked to Attorney General John Mitchell and told him my views. I said I thought it was unwise for the President to replace two former governors in his cabinet