Lethal Trajectories - Michael Conley [100]
“Fourth, China and the United States will use their influence to mitigate existing situations that might impede efforts against the Saudis. This would include a) strong American support for a moratorium on the Chunxiao Incident, b) China’s continued recognition of Israel, c) support for a modified petrodollar oil transaction system with an American commitment to safeguard the value of its dollar through more robust fiscal and monetary policies, d) resource sharing, where needed, between member nations of the Allied Forces, and e) joint support for new EEZ policies regarding the definitions of territorial waters.
“Fifth and finally, China and the United States will work with their respective allies and domestic constituencies to promote a collaborative approach toward resolving the crisis. If successful, such approaches should be adopted beyond the crisis period to address climate-change and other challenges requiring broad global support.”
Impressed, Cheng and Clayton thanked their aides. Over the next two hours they clarified every point and what it would entail in terms of internal and international negotiations. There was no question that it would be difficult to sell, but an alliance offered the only real hope of resolving the Saudi crisis.
“In a perfect world,” Clayton said almost to himself, “I’d go public with this plan shortly after I was sworn in as president. I would present it to a joint session of Congress and then make the case to the American people and our allies that despite past differences with China, this alliance is the only way out. Cheng, do you have any idea about timing on your side of things?”
There was a long silence as Lin Cheng pondered the prospect of making the sale to his Politburo. Finally, he said, “In many ways, Mustafa has done us a huge favor by threatening to cut off China’s supply of oil along with that of the United States. Mustafa has forced our two countries into the same boat. I will start there with the Politburo. But I will need a few quick successes with the United States to show the immediate benefits. An obvious starting point is Chunxiao and the EEZ border dispute.
“You would take a few hits in agreeing to support China in those disputes, Clayton, but we could help you by publicly stating our intent to work with the UN to resolve the situation with Japan. And we will maintain diplomatic relationships with Israel and urge other countries in our sphere of influence to do the same. Joint meetings between our military and top diplomatic leaders would help solidify the effort, and I would most cordially invite you to address our Politburo and the Chinese people in a national broadcast if this would help.”
Clayton smiled, deeply impressed by Lin Cheng’s offer of support.
“I’d be willing to take the hit with Japan and support China’s position on the Chunxiao matter—at the least, I would request a moratorium on the entire issue until the broader Saudi crisis was resolved—and we’d also support your definition of territorial waters. The latter would clarify your future rights with Japan and perhaps ours in the polar region as well. Any idea when we might crank this up, Cheng? I’m anxious to get this started. The Saudi crisis will shape every event in the global arena.”
“I can’t promise that it will work, Clayton, but I give you my word that I will do everything in my power to make it happen. I will depart for China today and schedule a meeting with the Politburo Standing Committee no later than Monday. I’ll keep you posted on our progress, but that’s the best I can do for now.”
“It is appreciated, Cheng, and you can rest assured I’ll do everything in my power to make this happen. Would it make sense, from a process perspective, to have Wang Peng and Jack be the lead representatives on the development