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But Milne didn’t get anywhere with Basilica or Markowicz. “They were strongly recommending that the process proceed down the path they had already ordained,” Milne said later.

Ultimately, Basilica looked to Markowicz, who pushed copies of his memo across the table to Milne and Claire. The heading read: “Memorandum of Agreement between Naval [Undersea] Warfare Center Local Reuse Authority and New London Development Corporation.”

“This document is a compromise,” Markowicz said.

All the elements of the agreement, including the dates, Basilica explained, were negotiable.

Without saying a word, Claire read the memo and then tucked it in her bag. The memo made it clear that Basilica and Marko-wicz weren’t getting on board with her plan.

Markowicz attempted to explain the document, but Claire cut him off. She announced she had to catch a ferry into the harbor, where she was scheduled to meet George H. W. Bush, the former president, and escort him into New London. She said good-bye and walked out.

The meeting quickly lost steam and adjourned.

Claire never signed Basilica’s proposal. Instead, she distributed it to members of the city council, along with a cover letter. “The attached is a Memorandum of Agreement that LRA Chair Tony Basilica gave to me recently,” she told the council. “I am forwarding it to you for advice.” Claire also took a shot at Basilica. “The Chair of LRA has known since November that a new plan for this land was preferable to Pfizer,” she wrote. “I understand that neither the Executive Committee nor the full LRA has met since before the Pfizer decision was made. Consequently, the city has lost six valuable months for rethinking the land use and proper conveyance from the Navy.”

She also gave the city council reason to get concerned about Basilica’s demands on the NLDC: “If NLDC accepts Mr. Basilica’s requests to undertake this work, citizens may see this as an NLDC ‘land grab’ and not as a request from Basilica.”

Claire was tired of jousting with Basilica. The seeds for removing him from the committee had now been planted.

Days after the meeting at Milne’s office, Markowicz received a letter from two of the governor’s commissioners. “The Municipal Development Planning Process now underway for the Thames Peninsula area is a major community development effort that is needed in order to induce the Pfizer development project,” they wrote. The plan to auction off the property came together before Pfizer announced its intention to develop in New London. “It is now prudent to re-evaluate this plan,” they continued. “If we fail … we may jeopardize the maximum development potential of this site and possibly Pfizer’s commitment to the region.” Markowicz got the message: Pfizer didn’t want the base sold at an auction; if the auction went forward, Pfizer might not come to New London.

The end of the letter went further, pointing out that the governor had just committed hundreds of millions of dollars to three other cities for massive redevelopment projects. “Clearly, this indicates that New London will no longer have the sole attention it enjoyed to date in these types of ventures,” they wrote. “We will appreciate your cooperation.” Markowicz noted the letter had been copied to Peter Ellef, Claire Gaudiani, and the city council.

Then Markowicz got a call from Jay Levin. He wanted to know why Markowicz wasn’t supporting the governor’s agenda in New London. Markowicz wasn’t sure he knew the agenda. That was the problem. Levin advised him to be more open-minded.

Markowicz didn’t care for Levin’s strong-arm tactics.

The call ended abruptly.

The next day, Markowicz’s secretary at the Corporation for Regional Economic Development knocked on his office door. Markowicz had been executive director for the nonprofit for a couple of years. His secretary told him a tall man in a business suit was at the front desk, asking to see him.

“What does he want?” Markowicz asked.

The names of every director on the corporation’s board, she said.