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“Who is he?” Bullock asked softly.

Von Winkle explained that he was one of the senior citizens who had died since the NLDC had threatened to take their homes. “He was the mayor of the neighborhood,” said Von Winkle. “I wear the hat to pay respect and carry on Mr. P.’s tradition.”

Bullock nodded.

“Mr. P. went to his grave worried about eminent domain,” said Von Winkle. “People think eminent domain killed Mr. P.” Tears welled up in Von Winkle’s eyes. He lowered his voice. “What a great guy he was,” Von Winkle muttered, running his rough hand across his brow. “I miss him.”

Bullock had seen enough. He had come to New London to size up potential plaintiffs. Susette and her home were clearly the flashpoint of the fight. She had the right facts and a tough-as-nails attitude to wage a legal challenge against the city. Von Winkle wore the cap of a dead man who had gone to his grave fearing that his house and neighborhood would be lost to eminent domain. Von Winkle had a score to settle. He would do more than fight to protect his own property: he would fight to avenge a wrong.

Bullock returned to Washington. If the institute took the case, he wanted Von Winkle as a plaintiff alongside Susette.

26

A FIGHT IN THE FORT

The day after Bullock’s whirlwind visit to New London, the Day reported that a D.C. law firm might help the Fort Trumbull neighborhood residents. The story put the NLDC on notice that it might soon have a lot more to deal with than Scott Sawyer. A lawsuit filed by a national firm promised to drastically slow progress and put a real spotlight on the agency and Pfizer.

Claire and her board had a decision to make. They could treat the news as a warning and reach out to Susette and the other holdouts with a compromise. Or they could try to crush the residents immediately, before the institute had enough time to ramp up and file a suit.

The first option would require the NLDC to spend some money. By offering the holdouts twice the appraised value of their respective properties, the NLDC would probably persuade most of them to drop their opposition. The higher prices would also enable the holdouts to afford housing elsewhere. The second option wouldn’t cost anything in the short run. However, this approach came with a much higher risk. If it failed to drive the holdouts out, it would likely trigger a lawsuit that could end up costing the NLDC and the city much more money over the long run.

Claire had been brought to a pressure point. She had fights going on every front. The governor’s office had it in for her. She was battling Tom Londregan and City Hall. She had a war going with the press. The Fort Trumbull residents and the conservancy were doing everything possible to portray her as public enemy number one. And the atmosphere on campus had become hostile, with faculty and a contingent of students determined to dislodge her as president.

With this many enemies, the last thing Claire needed was another opponent. It seemed the best course was to modify the plan and ward off a lawsuit from the Institute for Justice.

But Claire liked a quote attributed to Henry Ford: “Obstacles are those frightful things you see when you take your eyes off your goal.” Her goal was to turn New London’s economic fortunes around, and she had no intention of losing focus now. She opted not to compromise. David Goebel agreed with this approach. The NLDC asked the city council to rescind an earlier motion that had halted acquisition and demolition on Susette’s block. The NLDC decided it wanted to act fast. But its request required a vote by the city council in a public meeting, and before that could happen the city had to post the item on an agenda made available to the public beforehand. The notice would tip off the opposition, providing time for the coalition to mobilize a crowd of protestors and news cameras at the meeting.

Faced with this, the city council found a way around the minefield. When the agenda for the September 5