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traditional demands of black nationalism, but it was not primarily concerned with constructing an agenda and political strategy to achieve these objectives. The Muslims’ “belief in a nation of their own never produced a political program for the establishment of such a national home,” Jones noted. “Indeed, the Muslims looked to Allah instead of Washington for the ultimate solution.” See Oliver Jones, Jr., “The Black Muslim Movement and the American Constitutional System,” Journal of Black Studies, vol. 13, no. 4 (June 1983), pp. 417-37.

Chapter 6: “The Hate That Hate Produced”

156 protesters by declaring racial gerrymandering illegal. A good general reference is August Meier and Elliott Rudwick, From Plantation to Ghetto, third edition (New York: Hill and Wang, 1976), pp. 267-79.

156 to investigating and publicizing racist crimes. Myrlie Evers-Williams and Manning Marable, eds., The Autobiography of Medgar Evers: A Hero’s Life and Legacy Revealed Through His Writings, Letters and Speeches (New York: Basic Civitas, 2005), pp. 14-15.

156 of the new Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). Devon W. Carbada and Donald Weise, eds., Time on Two Crosses: The Collected Writings of Bayard Rustin (San Francisco: Cleis, 2003), pp. x-xxv.

156 American Committee for the Protection of the Foreign Born. Martha Biondi, To Stand and Fight: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Postwar New York City (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2003), p. 162.

157 to endear Robeson to white authorities. Martin Bauml Duberman, Paul Robeson (New York: Ballantine, 1989), pp. 454-55, 460.

157 to pressure his government to cancel the event. Ibid., pp. 461-62.

157 promptly charged him with kidnapping. See Timothy B. Tyson, Radio Free Dixie: Robert F. Williams and the Roots of Black Power (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999).

157 conferences and rallies in more than two dozen cities. Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), pp. 178-83.

158 won more Harlem votes than in his previous elections. See Charles Rosenberg, “Davis, Benjamin J., Jr.,” in Paul Finkelman, ed., Encyclopedia of African American History, 1896 to the Present: From the Age of Segregation to the Twenty-first Century, vol. 2 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), pp. 14-15.

158 the NAACP, also ran for the council. Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement, pp. 153-55, 157-58.

158 assembly members; and ten of its 189 judges. Biondi, To Stand and Fight, pp. 215-19.

158 “couched in left-wing phraseology.” Harold Cruse, The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual: From Its Origins to the Present (New York: William Morrow, 1967), p. 227.

158 its associations with the Marxist Left. Ibid., p. 245.

159 such notable intellectuals as Allen Ginsberg, C. Wright Mills, and I. F. Stone. Jon Lee Anderson, Che Guevara: A Revolutionary Life (New York: Grove, 1997), pp. 399, 416, 409.

159 sponsored Williamsʹs first trip to Cuba. Peniel E. Joseph, Waiting ʹTil the Midnight Hour (New York: Henry Holt, 2006), pp. 29-30.

159 “violence to successful revolutions.” Cruse, The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual, pp. 356-57.

160 “know that the devil has no Justice for you.” Elijah Muhammad to Minister James 3X Shabazz, April 28, 1959. Copy in possession of author.

160 presented the Nation of Islam in a favorable light. See Al Nall, “Moslem Trial Begins,” Amsterdam News, March 7, 1959; Al Nall, “Moslems Accuse Cops,” Amsterdam News, March 14, 1959; and Al Nall, “Moslems Go Free,” Amsterdam News, March 21, 1959.

160 for a crusading African-American press. “Say Paper Helped Free 5 Moslems,” Amsterdam News, April 11, 1959.

160 a familiar presence on New York-area television. Val Adams, “Wallace May Get New TV Programs,” New York Times, February 11, 1959.

160 from American University and Yale (in 1944 and 1947 respectively). See “Louis Lomax, 47, Dies in Car Crash,” New York Times, August 1, 1970; David Shaw, “Louis Lomax, Black Author,