Manufacturing Consent_ The Political Economy of the Mass Media - Edward S. Herman [220]
This rightwing echo chamber is powerful and intimidating and influences the MSM in a way no liberal or left institutions can match.12 Thus, during the 2004 presidential campaign this collective, led here by the Swift Boat Veterans for Truth, was able to damage John Kerry’s presidential bid by discrediting his service-record in the Vietnam War, based on strictly concocted and refutable evidence—heavily publicized and not refuted by the MSM13—while helping make sure that the media essentially ignored George W. Bush’s record of Vietnam War evasion and truly discreditable performance in the Texas Air National Guard.14 This ability to damage Kerry while protecting Bush in a terrain of Kerry strength and great potential vulnerability to Bush remains a model of rightwing media propaganda capabilities, unmatched by anything liberals or the left have ever accomplished. This same power has been important in reducing the willingness of the MSM to challenge propaganda campaigns of the warmakers.
Iraq’s Weapons of Mass Destruction and Threat
The Iraq invasion-occupation, and the follow-up preparations for a war with Iran, supply us with further useful illustrations of the applicability of the propaganda model. Here the model’s utility flows from the fact that in both cases the arguments and justifications for an attack have been laughably thin and evidence that would undermine the cases was plentiful and compelling. In both instances the attacks actually carried out or planned were in clear violation of the UN Charter and hence “supreme international crimes.” Furthermore, in the Iraq case a substantial fraction of the public was hostile to the war before it began, and in a unique action several hundred thousand people in the United States (and several million globally) protested in the streets to try to prevent it. This necessitated and elicited a massive propaganda effort on the part of the administration to sell the war, with fear-mongering, intimidation, and an extraordinary level of deceit about the evidence and threats posed by the demonized villains.
In short, the Iraq invasion was a case in which available information, international law, public opinion, and the public interest should have made the media skeptical and critical from the very start, whereas fulfillment of the aims of the administration and war party required media propaganda service. That propaganda service was forthcoming; and what should have been an invigorated “public sphere” with intense debate became an administration conduit and/or cheerleading section.15 Part of the reason for this was the Bush administration’s post-9/11 fear-mongering, with periodic terrorism scares, intimidation, and rousing of patriotic ardor, which