Manufacturing Consent_ The Political Economy of the Mass Media - Edward S. Herman [234]
A major question is how Agca knew details about Antonov’s apartment when he later admitted to Martella that he had never been there. The Bulgarians and Antonov’s defense went to great pains to prove that the information Agca provided about Antonov’s apartment had never been divulged in the media before Agca enumerated the details. This implied coaching, as did a mistake in identification where Agca described a characteristic of Antonov’s apartment that fitted other apartments in the building, but not Antonov’s. Tagliabue says that “Even the attorneys for the Bulgarians acknowledge” that Agca named things not available through reading the papers, as if they were conceding a point, not making a devastating case for coaching. Newspaper work couldn’t be more dishonest than this.
“The More Sinister View”
In a single, late paragraph devoted to the possibility of coaching, Tagliabue merely asserts it as a claim, without providing a single supportive point of evidence, although there are many.6 He uses a double propagandist’s put-down—ironically designating the coaching hypothesis as “the more sinister view,” and stating that it is “espoused by critics of the case on the political left, including Soviet bloc governments.” Even Tagliabue, in his earlier news reports, had mentioned Mafia official Giovanni Pandico’s statement in Italy outlining a scenario of coaching at which he claimed to be present, but Tagliabue doesn’t even cite this or any other documents or facts that lend support to the coaching hypothesis. He sticks to the ingredients that fit the SHK format—good Martella, Agca the betrayer of the case, the Soviet motive, Agca’s visit to Bulgaria, and his knowledge of details. All other materials are designated “sinister” or blacked out to enhance the credibility of the party line.
Agca Helped the Bulgarians
Tagliabue closes his article with a quote from Agca’s attorney that the Bulgarians “should be thankful” to Agca. This reiterates one of Tagliabue’s preferred themes—that Agca deliberately blew the case. This is derived from Sterling’s theory that Agca’s vacillations were really “signals” to the Bulgarians, alternately threatening and rewarding them, but aiming at getting them to help him out of jail. In his earlier articles Tagliabue followed this line, and it is implicit in this summing-up article, although it is a wholly unproven Sterling gimmick.7 What was Agca bargaining for in the trial? Did he expect the Bulgarians to spring him? To admit their own involvement in the case by arranging a deal for his release? And if he was sabotaging the case in order to win favor with the Bulgarians, and since the Bulgarians obviously refused to respond, why did he not finally decide to do them injury? Tagliabue never addresses these points.
In sum, this is a model case of propaganda under the guise of “news” or “news analysis.” In this instance there are a number of lies, but these are less important than the other systematic distortions. Tagliabue and the Times frame the issue in terms of probable Bulgarian guilt and the factors that caused the case to be lost—exclusive of those suggesting that there was no case to begin with. They refuse to discuss the failure to obtain confirmation of any factual claims of meetings or deals with Bulgarians. They fail to discuss—or even to mention—problems of plausible deniability. They reiterate the elements of the preferred SHK model without noting the illogic or the incompatible facts. They ignore evidence that would support the coaching model. They use invidious language only for the disfavored line of argument and spokespersons, manipulating words and bending evidence to the desired end. This article should be perfect for classroom use in courses on propaganda, media bias, and related subjects.
Appendix 3
BRAESTRUP’S BIG STORY:
Some “Freedom House Exclusives”
In “The Tet offensive” (p. 196), we considered the example that has regularly been put forth to substantiate the charge that