Manufacturing Consent_ The Political Economy of the Mass Media - Edward S. Herman [243]
21. Kevin Robins and Frank Webster, Times of the Technoculture (London: Routledge, 1999), p. 127.
22. Patricia Aufderheide, “Journalism and Public Life Seen Through the ‘Net,’” in Aufderheide, The Daily Planet (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000); Joseph Turow, Breaking Up America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997).
23. Herman and McChesney, Global Media, chapter 5.
24. On the ideological messages borne in commercials, see Erik Barnouw, The Sponsor (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978), part 2, chapter 1.
25. See Robert McChesney, Telecommunications, Mass Media, and Democracy (New York: Oxford, 1993).
26. See Herman, Myth of the Liberal Media, pp. 32–33.
27. For some dramatic evidence on the mainstream media’s neglect of these credible sources, see below, pp. 70–74.
28. Peter Galbraith, “How the Turks Helped Their Enemies,” New York Times, February 20, 1999.
29. During the 1980s, when Saddam Hussein was a U.S. ally and recipient of U.S. aid, his use of chemical weapons against the Kurds in Iraq, which killed thousands in 1988, did not interfere with support by the Bush administration, which continued up to the moment of Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait on August 30, 1990. See Mark Phythian, Arming Iraq: How the U.S. and Britain Secretly Built Saddam’s War Machine (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1997); Miron Rezun, Saddam Hussein’s Gulf Wars: Ambivalent Stakes in the Middle East (Westport Conn.: Praeger, 1992).
30. The CIA itself designated the 1965–66 slaughters in Indonesia as “one of the worst mass murders of the 20th century” (quoted in Robert Cribb, ed., The Indonesian Killings of 1965–1966 [Monash Papers on Southeast Asia, no. 21, 1991]). The figure of 500,000 victims in this slaughter, given by the head of Indonesian state security, must be taken as an absolute minimal figure. For other estimates that run up to 2 million, see Noam Chomsky and Edward Herman, The Washington Connection and Third World Fascism (Boston: South End Press, 1979), pp. 208–9; Benedict Anderson, “Petrus Dadi Ratu,” New Left Review (May–June, 2000).
31. Former U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Patrick Moynihan brags in his autobiography of how back in 1975 he protected Indonesia from any effective international action that might have interfered with its aggression: “The Department of State desired that the United Nations prove utterly ineffective in whatever measures it took [regarding the Indonesian invasion of East Timor]. This task was given to me, and I carried it forward with no inconsiderable success.” He added, without the slightest expression of regret, that within a few weeks 60,000 people had been killed in this aggression that he was protecting. A Dangerous Place (New York: Little, Brown, 1978), p. 19.
32. For accounts of this shift, see John Pilger, Hidden Agendas (London: Vintage, 1998), pp. 33–34; Chomsky, Necessary Illusions, pp. 109–10. For the earlier media treatment of Indonesia in East Timor, see Washington Connection, pp. 129–204.
33. John and Karl Mueller, “Sanctions of Mass Destruction,” Foreign Affairs (May–June 1999), p. 43.
34. UNICEF, “Iraq Surveys Show ‘Humanitarian Emergency,’” Press Release, August 12, 1999.
35. Leslie Stahl interviewing Madeleine Albright, “60 Minutes,” CBS News Transcript, May 12, 1996.
36. Many KLA and Serb fighters died in Kosovo, and civilians were killed by NATO bombs and military actions not aiming to kill civilians. See Jonathan Steele, “Figures Put on Serb Killings Too High,” Guardian (August 18, 2000). For a fuller discussion, Noam Chomsky, A New Generation Draws the Line (London: Verso, 2000), chapter 3.
37. John Taylor, East Timor: The Price of Freedom (London: Zed, 1999). See also Arnold Kohen, “Beyond the Vote: The World Must Remain Vigilant Over East Timor,” Washington Post, September 5, 1999.
38. The source is Western investigators on the scene, including U.S. military personnel: Lindsay