Manufacturing Consent_ The Political Economy of the Mass Media - Edward S. Herman [61]
2.3.5. MURDER UNAVENGED—OR TRIUMPHANT
The assassins of Archbishop Romero were never “officially” discovered or prosecuted, and he joined the ranks of the tens of thousands of other Salvadorans murdered without justice being done. But in contrast with Popieluszko, the U.S. mass media seemed quite uninterested in who committed the act or in demanding just retribution.
Subsequently, a great deal of evidence became available showing that Roberto D’Aubuisson was at the center of a conspiracy to murder Romero. On the basis of numerous interviews with Arena party activists and U.S. officials, and examination of State Department cables, investigative reporters Craig Pyes and Laurie Becklund claimed in 1983 that D’Aubuisson had planned the assassination with a group of active-duty military officers, who drew straws for the honor of carrying out the murder.41 Former ambassador Robert White, who had access to State Department cables and other inside information during his tenure in office, also stated before a congressional committee in February 1984 that “beyond any reasonable doubt” D’Aubuisson had “planned and ordered the assassination” of Archbishop Romero, and White gave details on the planning meeting and the subsequent execution of the trigger man to keep him quiet.42 Further evidence of D’Aubuisson’s involvement in the murder came to light with the confession of Roberto Santivánez, a former high official in Salvadoran intelligence. According to Santivánez, the murder of Romero was planned and carried out by D’Aubuisson with the aid of former national guardsmen of Somoza, but “under the protection of General García and Colonel Carranza.”43 Pyes’s and Becklund’s informants also indicated that D’Aubuisson was a subordinate and political ally of Carranza, who was the number two man in the Salvadoran military until his ouster under U.S. pressure in December 1980. Carranza then moved over to head the Treasury Police. D’Aubuisson also worked with the National Guard’s G-2 central intelligence office while the guard was headed by General Eugenio Vides Casanova. Pyes and Becklund write that “During the time Vides commanded the Guard, active-duty military officers working with the G-2 were linked in State Department cables to the March 1980 assassination of Archbishop Oscar Arnulfo Romero . . .”44 Note that Vides Casanova became minister of defense, the post he still holds, under the Duarte government.
In short, there was substantial evidence