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56 J. E. Tyler, The Struggle for Imperial Unity (1868-1895) (London: Longmans, Green and CO., 1938), 6m, 99; T. R. Reese, The History of the Royal Commonwealth Society,1868-1968 (London: Oxford University Press, 1968), II, 29, 62, 65.

57 MacFie, Copyright and Patents for Inventions, 2:592.

58 R. A. MacFie, Cries, in a Crisis, for Statesmanship Popular and Patriotic to Test and Contest Free-Trade in Manufactures 2nd ed. (London: E. Stanford, 1881), 51,53,58.

59 MacFie, Cries, in a Crisis, v 32-33, 226, 167; see also 153-55.

6o R. A. MacFie, Colonial Questions (London: Longmans, Green, Reader, and Dyer, 1871), ix, 16-17, 25; MacFie, Cries, in a Crisis, 48-49.

61 Tyler, Struggle for Imperial Unity, io-ii.

62 J.A. Froude, Oceana: Or England and Her Colonies (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1888), 1-17,153, 215-21, 383-96.

63 Hansard, 353: 438.

64 G. E. Folk, Patents and Industrial Progress (New York: Harper, 1942),118-19; E. Schiff, Industrialization without National Patents: The Netherlands,1869- 1912; Switzerland, 1850-1907 (Princeton, N .J.: Princeton University Press, 1970,124-26. For the Berne process, see S. Ricketson and j. C. Ginsburg, International Copyright and Neighbouring Rights: The Berne Convention and Beyond, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), and, especially, C. Seville, The Internationalisation of Copyright Law: Books, Buccaneers and the Black Flag in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006).

II INTERNATIONAL COPYRIGHT AND THE SCIENCE OF CIVILIZATION

1 J. Fiske, EdwardLivingstonYumans: Interpreter of,Science for the People (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1894); R. M. MacLeod, "Evolutionism, Internationalism and Commercial Enterprise in Science: The International Scientific Series, 1871-1910," in Development of,Science Publishing in Europe, ed. A.J. Meadows (Amsterdam: Elsevier, 1980), 63-93; L. Howsam, `An Experiment with Science for the Nineteenth-Century Book Trade: The International Scientific Series," BritishJournal for the History of Science 33 (2000):187-207, esp. 193-202; Times (London), October 20, 1871, 10.

2 The American editions of Darwin's Origin furnish another good example. At Gray's urging, based partly on a mistaken belief that new content could guarantee the U.S. copyright to Darwin, these editions, produced by Appleton, included significant new material that was not included in the English text for another ten years: see the appendix to the Darwin Correspondence on this subject.

3 Addresses of the Philadelphia Society for the Promotion of National Industry (Philadelphia: M. Carey and Son, 1819), title page; J. A. McGraw, Most WonderfulMachine: Mechanization and Social Change in Berkshire Paper Making 18o1-1885 (Princeton, N .J.: Princeton University Press, 1987), 95-116,118-25.

4 J. Tebbel, A History of Book Publishing in the United States, 4 vols. (New York: R. R. Bowker,1972-81),1:270-71;; M. Winship, "Printing with Plates in the Nineteenth-Century United States," Printing History 5 (1983),15-26; R. Remer, Printers and Men of Capital: Philadelphia Book Publishers in the New Republic (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996), 95-98; R.J. Zboray, A Fictive People: Antebellum Economic Development and theAmerican Reading Public (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 5-11; M. Carey, Address to the Booksellers of the United States (Philadelphia: T. S. Manning, 1813). On stereotyping, see also A. Johns, "The Identity Engine: Science, Stereotyping, and Skill in Print," in The Mindful Hand, ed. P. Dear, L. Roberts, and S. Schaffer (Chicago: Edita/University of Chicago Press, 2007).

5 A.J. Clark, The Movement for International Copyright in Nineteenth-Century America (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University ofAmerica Press, r96o), 34-35.

6 D. Kaser, Messrs. Carey &Lea ofPhiladelphia: A Study in the History of the Booktrade (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1957),119-23.

7 Kaser, Carey &Lea, ro8-ro.

8 Kaser, Carey &Lea, 25-28, 93-98.

9 E. L. Bradsher,