Practicing History_ Selected Essays - Barbara W. Tuchman [95]
A stunning and unexpected testimony to the depth of pacifist feeling emerged at the Democratic convention at St. Louis in June. Wilson’s managers had planned to make patriotism the theme, with bands concentrating on the national anthem instead of “Dixie” and bursts of “spontaneous” enthusiasm for the flag. These demonstrations proved uninspired, but the keynote speech of ex-Governor Martin Glynn of New York, which argued that the American tradition was to stay out of war whatever the provocation, produced a frenzied outburst and a “delirium of delight.” Designed to appeal to the peace sentiment, it had been approved in advance by the President, who, no less than any other practicing politician in search of re-election, was interested in consensus. As Glynn cited each historical precedent, his audience took up the chant, “What did we do? What did we do?” and the speaker roared in reply, “We did not go to war!” Delegates cheered, waved flags, jumped on their seats. When Glynn, becoming somewhat dismayed at what he had aroused, tried to slide over his prepared text, they yelled, “No! No! Go on! Give us more! More! More!” They danced about the aisles, “half mad with joy … shouting like schoolboys and screaming like steam sirens.”
Glynn had shown that pacifism, instead of being something not quite manly, was right, patriotic, and American. The effect was “simply electrifying.” Convention leaders were appalled. Chairman McCombs hastily scribbled on a sheet of paper, “But we are willing to fight if necessary,” signed his name, and passed it to Glynn, who nodded and called back, “I’ll take care of that.” But by now fascinated with his own effect on the crowd, he never did. Political plans were deranged. Wilson’s campaign was revised to make peace the main issue; the Republicans, repudiating Roosevelt, nominated Hughes on a platform of “straight and honest neutrality” and lost in November to the slogan promoted by Wilson’s managers, “He kept us out of war.”
It was this use of the peace sentiment which accomplished the close victory through a notably sectional vote of the Western states in new alliance with the South. It enabled Wilson to recover for the Democratic party what Bryan had three times failed to win, the support of the majority of predominantly agricultural states.
The final four months leading up to U.S. belligerency began with Wilson’s concerted effort through December and January to end the war through mediation. His concept of a “peace without victory,” although called by Senator La Follette “the greatest message of the century,” did not appeal to the belligerents. Since neither side wanted the American President to arrange the terms of a settlement and each was bent on total victory, Wilson’s attempt to negotiate a peace failed.
In the meantime Germany, having built up a fleet of two hundred submarines, took the decision to risk American hostility for the sake of an all-out effort to end the war her way. On January 31, 1917, she formally notified Washington of intent to resume unrestricted submarine warfare beginning next day. All neutral ships would be “forcibly prevented” from reaching England. A single exception in the form of one U.S. passenger ship a week would be allowed provided that it carry no contraband, dock only at Falmouth and only on a Sunday, be marked by three vertical stripes each a meter wide painted alternately white and red, and fly at each mast a large flag checkered white and red.
At the prospect of funnels “striped like a barber’s pole and a flag like a kitchen tablecloth,” the American historian J. B. McMaster could hardly contain his indignation. The insult implied in such orders addressed to the major neutral indicated that Germany had no doubts