Pulitzer_ A Life in Politics, Print, and Power - James McGrath Morris [40]
Once resettled on the other side of the capitol, the rebellious Republicans made Schurz chairman and proceeded immediately to nominate a ticket, with Gratz Brown at its head, and draft a platform. Written by Grosvenor, it contained the text of the defeated majority resolution and other planks of the Liberal cause. Before adjourning, the renegade assembly appointed Pulitzer secretary to the state executive committee. The rebellion had made a team of the beefy Grosvenor and the ectomorphic Pulitzer.
Meanwhile, in the House chamber, the Radicals renominated McClurg and adjourned. The news of the bolt reached all parts of the country. “The Republican Party of Missouri has split in twain on the question of enfranchising the ex-rebels,” reported the Chicago Tribune. “The Missouri Radicals are in trouble,” proclaimed the Mountain Democrat in Placerville, California.
The split between Liberal and Radical Republicans was far more than a debate over who should be able to vote and when. It was the beginning of a fight over the soul of the Republican Party. Liberals believed that the Radicals’ opposition to restoring the vote and the corruption surrounding Grant were a betrayal of the party’s ideals. For Pulitzer, Grant was Pope Leo X and the corruption scandals were the church indulgences that drove Martin Luther to pin his ninety-five theses on the church door in Wittenberg. It was a matter of political faith, not politics.
With the conventions done, Pulitzer and Grosvenor returned to St. Louis to prepare for the fall electoral battle. Pulitzer threw himself into the fray. He bore all the grunt work of the Liberals’ executive committee while continuing his work at the Westliche Post. On September 20, he single-handedly ran the Republican First Congressional District meeting in Turner Hall, which was filled almost entirely with Liberal Republicans. He chaired the resolutions committee, read aloud the Liberal Republican platform, obtained approval for it, and shepherded the congressional nomination to his friend Johnson, who was home ill.
As exciting as it was to be at the center of a political rebellion, Pulitzer had his own reelection ahead. On October 18, he was renominated without opposition. But Radical Republicans were intent on punishing Liberal Republicans and mounted behind-the-scenes efforts to enlist new black voters, who were not eager to enfranchise former slave masters. “On the McClurg ticket,” wrote Pulitzer, “the Germans are distinguished by—their absence. Of course! McClurg and Co. are depending on Negroes to carry their cause, and obviously do not expect to receive a single German vote.”
On their side, the Liberals counted on Democrats, many more of whom could come to the polls in 1870 because the state had eased its strict enforcement of the loyalty oath. Brown was a former Democrat, and the Democrats had no one of their party on the top of the ticket to support. But in other races, such as those for the legislature, the Democrats were fielding candidates. A high turnout among Democrats might elect Pulitzer’s gubernatorial candidate but would be bad news for his own reelection.
Grosvenor did his best at the Missouri Democrat to push Pulitzer’s candidacy. “He makes mistakes at times, and is sometimes misinformed,” he told the readers, “but the people appreciate a man who never fears to say what he thinks, and never yields to compromise of principle, and so, while he makes some enemies, he makes more friends.” But Grosvenor knew that Pulitzer was in trouble.
On November 3, Liberal Republicans of St. Louis gathered for a torchlight procession and rally in a large public market. Pulitzer, Anthony Ittner, and Preetorius, of the Westliche Post, were among the speakers. Later, Pulitzer went to the courthouse and signed another loyalty oath to ensure his legality as a candidate.