Sarum - Edward Rutherfurd [533]
“From what I hear,” Adam observed, “Salisbury needs a Member to do very much the same. They need a man prepared to appear at court in the best Salisbury cloth and ready to say where he got it.”
He was pleased that this was well received.
“It’s just what I have said,” Sir Joshua concurred. “Our merchants here still have good cloth to sell, but they fail to press their case strongly.”
Next came a forequarter of lamb, and good claret.
The talk turned to the Government and the war.
“The folly of poor North is,” one of the London men remarked, “that half our cavalry – and God knows he’s reduced the regulars to a pitiful state – are stationed with Ward at Bury, miles from anywhere. If the rumour’s true that the French fleet is coming, they can land where they please, unopposed.”
“And our navy’s so much under strength,” a country gentleman remarked, “that a privateer from America, like this cursed John Paul Jones, can act the pirate off the coast of Ireland, like he did last year, quite unopposed.”
“Our greatest security,” the clergyman announced, “is that the French do not know how unprepared we are – and could never believe the folly of our ministers.”
The company then all wanted to hear his views on America. He told them frankly, relating all he knew about the kind of men who opposed them. He told them about the Hillier boy, his belief in Tom Paine’s pamphlet and in his natural rights. They were spellbound. When he had done, one of the country gentlemen said bleakly:
“I do not like one word of what you have told us, Captain Shockley. I oppose utterly the political notions you say these people have. But I’m vastly obliged to you because for the first time in five years I think I understand what this matter of America is truly about.” There were murmurs of assent. “I think now that our cause is lost,” he concluded.
“And yet,” Forest said, “here’s the trouble. And it’s what the king fears. If we grant such rights of self-government to America, and such radical notions are seen to hold sway there, why, Ireland will want to follow her, and the West Indies. We can’t have that.”
Now the boiled chicken arrived. Also a pig’s face, tongue and veal roasted with truffles. There were peas and beans for vegetables, and more wine. The conversation passed naturally to political arguments at home. They discussed Burke the statesman and philosopher, who sympathised with the Americans but defended the English Constitution just as it was.
“Burke’s right,” Forest remarked, “that our strength comes not from a set of rights we claim overnight, but from the deep pattern of our history and institutions. That’s what makes a nation great.”
“Very good, Joshua,” cried the younger of the MPs, “it’s even given us Lord North!” And the whole company laughed.
It was generally agreed however, that the ancient system of British laws and government could hardly be bettered.
“Consider our laws,” the clergyman said. “Who here has read Blackstone’s Commentaries?”
These huge volumes had appeared ten years before. They showed, beyond a doubt, that the common laws and privileges of the English came from ancient Saxon times – also that they could hardly be improved upon.
Two MPs both made faces which suggested that they might be familiar with the great work, but preferred not to be questioned too closely, but since, as it happened, Adam had perused it during his long and tedious garrison duty before the American war he answered calmly:
“I have. Though I’d have preferred it if Blackstone had allowed for some improvements to be made.”
“There,” Forest said in delight. “Captain Shockley has you.” And giving Adam a smile with a new warmth in it he announced, “Captain Shockley is a man of learning.”
They discussed other matters. Wilkes, that persistent trouble-maker in the Commons, had suggested a bill to reform the parliamentary representation and abolish some of the pocket boroughs like Old Sarum with their handful of electors in order to give more votes to the developing cities