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By Root 4276 0

WWII, Phibul’s ultranationalist regime set out to enforce a policy of nation-building from above, including the transformation of a multi-ethnic society into a unified and homogenous Thai Buddhist nation. In the 1940s, this policy inflamed resistance in these southern provinces, and gave birth to a strong separatist movement fighting for the independence of Pattani. In the 1980s and 1990s, the Prem administration abolished this forced assimilation policy. Prem promised support for Muslim cultural rights and religious freedoms, offered the insurgents a general amnesty, and implemented an economic development plan. However, the three provinces continue to rank among the least developed (economically and educationally) in the country. In the 1990s, the Chuan government committed to implementing a supposed ‘development as security’ approach from 1999 to 2003.

However, the Thaksin regime decided to impose greater central control over the southernmost provinces. This change of government policy was a veiled attempt to break up the traditional domination of the Democrat Party in the south. The policy succeeded in weakening relations between the local elite, southern voters and the Democrats who had served as their representatives in parliament. However, it did not take into consideration the sensitive and tenacious Muslim culture of the Deep South. In 2002, the government dissolved the longstanding Southern Border Province Administration Center, which had been a joint civilian-police-military office. Instead, they handed the security of the region over to the police. These tactics displaced the old structure of dialogue between the Thai government and the southern Muslims, replacing it with a more powerful Thai provincial police structure that was abhorred by local Muslim communities. In 2004, in denial of the rebels’ separatist spirit, Thaksin described the insurgency as part of an insidious attempt to undermine the country’s tourism industry. The government responded harshly and evaded responsibility over two incidents that year: a government force launched a deadly attack on insurgents hiding in the historic Krue Se Mosque, highly revered by local Muslims; and in Tak Bai, hundreds of local people were arrested after demonstrating to demand a release of suspected insurgents – while being transported to an army camp for interrogation, 78 of them suffocated to death in the overcrowded trucks. Those responsible for the two incidents (which together cost the lives of more than 100 Muslims) received minor punishments. In 2005, martial law was declared in the area.

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In 2002 Thaksin Shinawatra said ‘There’s no separatism, no ideological terrorists; just common bandits’.

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Human rights abuses have been committed by both sides in this dispute, as reported by various groups including Human Rights Watch. The insurgents have been attacking not only soldiers and policemen and their bases, but also teachers, students and state schools. To date, the conflict has cost more than 3000 lives; most of the casualties have been villagers – Buddhist and Muslim alike. The insurgents’ identities remain anonymous and no concrete demands have been put forward by them.

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The official website of the royal family is: http://kanchanapisek.or.th

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2006–08 POLITICAL CRISIS

In 2006 Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra was accused of conflicts of interest, the most glaring example of which was the Shinawatra family’s sale of their Shin Corporation stock to the Singaporean government for a tax-free sum of 73 billion baht (US$1.88 billion), thanks to new telecommunications legislation that exempted individuals from capital gains tax. These and a series of lawsuits filed against the prime minister’s critics set off a popular anti-Thaksin campaign. His call for a snap election to assure his electoral support was met with a boycott by the opposition Democrats, and the election results were subsequently annulled.

In June, the Thai took a short break from overheated politics to celebrate the 60th year of their king’s accession