The Box - Marc Levinson [156]
10. Some of these schemes are reviewed in Peter Turnbull, “Contesting Globalization on the Waterfront,” Politics and Society 28, no. 3 (2000): 367–391, and in Vernon H. Jensen, Hiring of Dock Workers and Employment Practices in the Ports of New York, Liverpool, London, Rotterdam, and Marseilles (Cambridge, MA, 1964), pp. 153, 200, and 227. On Rotterdam, see also Erik Nijhof, “Des journaliers respectables: les dockers de Rotterdam et leurs syndicates 1880–1965,” in Dockers de la Méditerranée à la Mer du Nord (Avignon, 1999), p. 121.
11. Wilson, Dockers, p. 34.
12. In Amsterdam and Rotterdam, most dockworkers were in the direct employ of stevedoring firms, and most dockers who were not in full-time employment received guarantees of 80 percent of regular pay if they reported to the hiring center twice daily; on average, they received 39 hours’ wages and 9 hours of guarantee per 48-hour workweek. See untitled typescript from Scheefvaart Vereeniging Noord dated May 1, 1953, in Jensen Papers, Collection 4067, Box 13, Folder “Reports on Foreign Dock Workers.” On the UK pension scheme, see Wilson, Dockers, p. 118. On Hamburg, see Klaus Weinhauer, “Dock Labour in Hamburg: The Labour Movement and Industrial Relations, 1880s-1960s,” in Davies et al., Dock Workers, 2:501.
13. Raymond Charles Miller, “The Dockworker Subculture and Some Problems in Cross-Cultural and Cross-Time Generalizations,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 11, no. 3 (1969): 302–314. For belief that it did not pay to work well and quickly, see Horst Jürgen Helle, “Der Hafenarbeiter zwischen Segelschiff und Vollbeschäftigung,” Economisch en Sociaal Tijdschrift 19, no. 4 (1965): 270. Oregon comments in Pilcher, The Portland Longshoremen, p. 22. Marseilles dockers went on strike in 1955 to demand regular shifts. See Pacini and Pons, Docker à Marseille, p. 118. According to data from the British Ministry of Labour, the base weekly pay of a full-time docker before World War II was 30–40 percent above the corresponding pay in construction and heavy manufacturing; dockers’ average weekly earnings, however, were only 10 percent higher than in those other sectors, because dockers’ work was more sporadic. See Wilson, Dockers, p. 19.
14. Richard Sasuly, “Why They Stick to the ILA,” Monthly Review, January 1956, 370; Simey, The Dock Worker, pp. 44–45; Malcolm Tull, “Waterfront Labour at Fremantle, 1890–1990,” in Davies et al., Dock Workers, 2:482; U.S. Bureau of the Census, U.S. Census of Population and Housing 1960 (Washington, DC, 1962), Report 104, Part I.
15. The proportion of African American dockworkers is from census data reported in Lester Rubin, The Negro in the Longshore Industry (Philadelphia, 1974), pp. 34–44. For a detailed analysis of racial preferences and discrimination among dockworkers in New York, New Orleans, and California, see Bruce Nelson, Divided We Stand: American Workers and the Struggle for Black Equality (Princeton, 2001), chaps. 1-3. On the New Orleans dockers, see Daniel Rosenberg, New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism, 1892–1923 (Albany, 1988), and Arnesen, Waterfront Workers of New Orleans; odd details, carefully omitting any mention of race, are in William Z. Ripley,