The Family - Mario Puzo [18]
Cardinal della Rovere carried himself with a certain dignity, which would have been reassuring if not for the glimmer of the fanatic in his large dark eyes. The stiff bearing of his massive head, with its strong square cheekbones, made his face a canvas of stark lines and angles. He seldom smiled to show the beauty of his small, even teeth, and only his dimpled chin added softness. It was a face set in the Middle Ages, a living portrait of the Day of Judgment. Even the stony squareness of his body gave the impression of unbending opinion rather than strength. That he had courage and intelligence no one contested. But he was not particularly liked because of his rude and insulting language, which contrasted so sharply with the Pope’s easy elegance. Still, he was a formidable enemy.
In della Rovere’s many missives to the French King Charles, to King Ferrante of Naples, and to others, he constantly accused Alexander of practicing simony—buying the papal office; of being a swindler; of bribery, nepotism, greed, gluttony, and all manner of carnal sins. The fact that he, himself, had committed many of the same sins he accused Alexander of, seemed not to alter his judgment in any way.
And some of his accusations were true. Following the election, Alexander had turned over valuable castles to the cardinals who had supported him, and he had bestowed upon them the most important Vatican positions. Ascanio Sforza received the office of vice-chancellor because he helped cement the Pope’s position on the last ballot. He was also given a castle, churches, and several fiefdoms. It was rumored that in the dark night before the election two donkeys were seen carrying heavy sacks of silver from the palace of Cardinal Rodrigo Borgia to the palace of Cardinal Ascanio Sforza. Cardinal Antonio Orsini’s vote secured two cities with the value of thousands of ducats, and other cardinals received church offices or benefices and fiefdoms. Giuliano della Rovere himself was granted the role of the Pope’s legate of Avignon, the large fortress of Ostia, and the Adriatic port of Senigallia, a castle and other offices, as well as the canonry of Florence.
This practice of distribution of benefices and territories was not new. It was customary for Popes to endow others with their possessions following their election, for their castles and other properties would otherwise be pillaged immediately by the citizens of Rome. And who would be more logical to reward than those who had shown their loyalty by casting their ballots for him? And so it was more a testament to Alexander’s generosity that della Rovere received such benefices, for it was well known that he had cast his vote for himself.
But the charge of simony was outrageous. For Cardinal della Rovere came from a wealthier family and had far more prominent connections than Rodrigo Borgia. If the office of Pope could be purchased, and lavish gifts could win the election, della Rovere could easily have outspent Alexander and the outcome would have been altered.
Now, with gall overriding all reason and political sense, Giuliano della Rovere, accompanied by other dissident cardinals, planned to implore King Charles of France to call a General Council.
Many years before, a General Council could command or even depose a Pope: comprised of cardinals, bishops, and lay leaders, this assembly was once used to balance the power and limit the supremacy of the papacy. But it had become an extinct weapon since Pius II struck it down thirty years before.
Yet, the vision of the new Pope crowning his son Cesare as a cardinal so outraged della Rovere that he and his allies sought to breathe new life into the concept of the General Council as a means of destroying Alexander.
Wanting to distance himself, della Rovere left Rome soon after the coronation of Cesare, retreating