The Hadrian Memorandum - Allan Folsom [80]
Anne said nothing.
“It’s alright, darling,” he said. “Don’t look for an answer. Don’t even try to make one up. Because there is none.”
1:37 P.M.
48
AIR FORCE ONE. STILL SATURDAY, JUNE 5. 8:15 A.M.
President John Henry Harris sat in shirtsleeves listening to Lincoln Bright, his chief of staff, run through the day’s abbreviated appointment schedule: three White House meetings, one of them with the secretary of state just back from meetings in India and China, then helicopter to Camp David and talks with his chief financial advisers about the on going crises in the economy.
The briefing over, Bright left, and the president leaned back to stare out the window, watching as they passed over Lake Ontario and entered American airspace. He’d had an early breakfast with Canadian prime minister Campbell and Mexican president Mayora at the Harrington Lake compound, then immediately departed. In four hours he would be at Camp David to spend the rest of the weekend enmeshed in critical budget details and preparing for a Monday morning meeting with the governors of a dozen states who would each come looking—begging was a better word—for additional funding beyond what they already had been given.
Still, and for all the importance of the secretary of state’s report and the crises with the economy, other things weighed heavily. A phone call from Joe Ryder in Iraq had come before breakfast with Ryder telling him his fact-finding team had met with an unexpected twist when Hadrian’s Loyal Truex had arrived unannounced, boldly and generously offering to throw the Striker/Hadrian doors and books wide open and inviting Ryder and his colleagues to look over anything they liked. Acting as if, in Ryder’s words, “he had come at the last minute to hide everything in plain sight.” Which apparently he had, because so far they’d found nothing more than they already knew.
Then there had been his morning security briefing, where he’d asked about the situation in Equatorial Guinea and was told that President Tiombe’s army was heavily engaged with the insurgent forces while at the same time committing terrible atrocities against the civilian population under the guise of hunting down rebel leaders. The army’s brutal tactics aside, analysts expected Tiombe’s government to fall within days, and by then Tiombe and his family and staff would have fled the country.
“To go where?” he’d asked.
Reports had been inconclusive, but Tiombe was known to have residences in several parts of the world, Beverly Hills among them. The president’s reaction to that had been simple and drawn a laugh. “I hope to hell he doesn’t do that.” But there was nothing funny about any of it. Immediately he called in Lincoln Bright and instructed his chief of staff to get in touch with Kim Ho, secretary-general of the United Nations, and ask what he could do to press the UN to intervene in the situation in Equatorial Guinea, and then to call Pierre Kellen, president of the International Red Cross, and ask what the United States could do to help on a humanitarian level.
The thing was, no matter how concerned he was about the plight of the Equatorial Guinean people, he knew he dared not show too much personal interest in the war itself because to do so would risk pricking up ears in the national and international intelligence and diplomatic communities. They would be more than curious to know why he had singled out that one area when so many other parts of the African continent were suffering under similar circumstances, and they might well send people to look into it. That was something he couldn’t afford. The last thing he needed was to have covert interests poking deeper into what was going on and risk having one of them come up with the photographs before they were safely in his or Joe Ryder’s hands.
Having such