The Net Delusion - Evgeny Morozov [75]
Like Rykov and Sergeyeva, Chadayev knows how to make messages resonate on the Internet—mainly because the Internet is where he matured professionally and intellectually. His is the kind of sophisticated behind-the-scenes tinkering that is easy to miss, especially were one to judge the Russian blogosphere only based on the number of new voices participating in the online conversation. With advisors like this by their side, it’s little wonder that the Kremlin feels no strong need to control the Web. For them, it’s not just a space to be controlled but an exciting new playground for propaganda experiments.
Fifty Cents Gets You a Long Way on the Spinternet
While Rykov and Sergeyeva do not have to conceal their relationship with the Kremlin, since they are comfortable producing branded propaganda, some governments are exploring more anonymous and creative models. China’s Spinternet, for example, is much more decentralized, with local and regional authorities playing a crucial role in shaping public discourse in their own areas of the blogosphere. Collectively, China’s pro-government Internet commentators are known as the Fifty-Cent Party, with “Fifty-Cent” referring to what they supposedly earn for each pro-government comment.
David Bandurski, a China analyst at Hong Kong University, who keeps a close eye on the evolution of the Fifty-Cent Party, says that their mission is “to safeguard the interests of the Communist Party by infiltrating and policing a rapidly growing Chinese Internet.” Part of a giant propaganda machine, they deliberately engage in online discussions, steering them in ideologically appropriate directions and, according to Bandurski, “neutralizing undesirable public opinion by pushing pro-Party views through chat rooms and Web forums.” Bandurski estimates that there maybe as many as 280,000 Fifty-Centers. Not only are some of them regularly paid for their online contributions, but various government bodies also organize routine training sessions to hone their argumentative skills.
The government doesn’t hide its role in manipulating online conversations. Wu Hao, the official in charge of damage control in the “elude the cat” episode, acknowledges that “when there is the situation that [online] opinion leans totally to one side, then we will indeed put some different voices out there to allow the public to make their own judgment independently.” In other words, the Chinese officials don’t mind the public reaching their own conclusions independently but they’ll do their best to manipulate the evidence. Li Xiaolin, the head of the propaganda department in the Chinese city of Shaoguan, suggests that many of the activities of the Fifty-Centers only aim at countering rumors rather than spreading propaganda: “Sometimes a rumor is like a snowball. It will become bigger and bigger, especially on the internet. If there is a lack of communication, it will create a market for rumors. If communication goes well, there is no space for rumors.”
The veryidea of a Fifty-Cent Party—a hybrid between old government-run propaganda models and new and agile forms of persuasion that can be used outside of the government apparatus—fits the Chinese leaders’ fascination with “public-opinion guidance,” where the government and the citizens mutually reinforce what each other does, with the government, of course, playing the leading role. Chinese communist