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The New Jim Crow_ Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness - Michelle Alexander [163]

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e.g., Smith v. Mississippi, 162 U.S. 592 (1896); Gibson v. Mississippi, 162 U.S. 565 (1896); and Brownfield v. South Carolina, 189 U.S. 426 (1903).

67 Neal v. Delaware, 103 U.S. 370, 397 (1880).

68 Ibid., 402-3 (quoting Delaware Supreme Court).

69 Miller-El v. Cockrell, 537 U.S. 322, 333-34 (2003).

70 Ibid., 334-35.

71 Brian Kalt, “The Exclusion of Felons from Jury Service,” American University Law Review 53 (2003): 65, 67.

72 Michael J. Raphael and Edward J. Ungvarsky, “Excuses, Excuses: Neutral Explanations Under Batson v. Kentucky,” University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform 27 (1993): 229, 236.

73 Sheri Lynn Johnson, “The Language and Culture (Not to Say Race) of Peremptory Challenges,” William and Mary Law Review 35 (1993): 21, 59.

74 Purkett v. Elm, 514 U.S. 765, 771 n. 4 (1995), Stevens, J., dissenting and quoting prosecutor.

75 Ibid., 767.

76 Ibid., 768.

77 Ibid.

78 See Lynn Lu, “Prosecutorial Discretion and Racial Disparities in Sentencing: Some Views of Former U.S. Attorneys,” Federal Sentencing Reporter 19 (Feb. 2007), 192.

79 Douglas S. Massey and Nancy A. Denton, American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), 2.

80 For a discussion of possible replacement effects, see Robert MacCoun and Peter Reuter, Drug War Heresies: Learning from Other Vices, Times, and Places (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001).

81 See Katherine Beckett, Kris Nyrop, Lori Pfingst, and Melissa Bowen, “Drug Use, Drug Possession Arrests, and the Question of Race: Lessons from Seattle,” Social Problems 52, no. 3 (2005): 419-41; and Katherine Beckett, Kris Nyrop, and Lori Pfingst, “Race, Drugs and Policing: Understanding Disparities in Drug Delivery Arrests,” Criminology 44, no. 1 (2006): 105.

82 Beckett, “Drug Use,” 436.

83 Ibid.

84 Ibid.

85 David Cole, No Equal Justice: Race and Class in the American Criminal Justice System (New York: The New Press, 1999), 161.

86 Ibid., 162.

87 City of Los Angeles v. Lyons, 461 U.S. 95, 105 (1983).

88 Quern v. Jordan, 440 U.S. 332 (1979); and Will v. Mich. Dept. of State Police, 491 U.S. 58 (1989).

89 Monell v. Dept. of Social Services, 436 U.S. 658 (1978).

90 See United States v. Brignoni-Ponce, 422 U.S. 873 (1975); and United States v. Martinez-Fuerte, 428 U.S. 543 (1976).

91 See Massey, American Apartheid.

92 For a thoughtful overview of these studies, see David Harris, Profiles in Injustice: Why Racial Profiling Cannot Work (New York: The New Press, 2002).

93 State v. Soto, 324 N.J.Super. 66, 69-77, 83-85, 734 A.2d 350, 352-56, 360 (N.J. Super. Ct. Law Div. 1996).

94 Harris, Profiles in Injustice, 80.

95 Ibid.

96 Jeff Brazil and Steve Berry, “Color of Drivers Is Key to Stops on I-95 Videos,” Orlando Sentinel, Aug. 23, 1992; and David Harris, “Driving While Black and All Other Traffic Offenses: The Supreme Court and Pretextual Traffic Stops,” Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology 87 (1997): 544, 561-62.

97 ACLU, Driving While Black: Racial Profiling on our Nation’s Highways (New York: American Civil Liberties Union, 1999) 3, 27-28.

98 See www.aclunc.org, press release, “Oakland Police Department Announces Results of Racial Profiling Data Collection,” May 11, 2001.

99 Al Baker and Emily Vasquez, “Number of People Stopped by Police Soars in New York,” New York Times, Feb. 3, 2007.

100 Office of the Attorney General of New York State, Report on the New York City Police Department’s “Stop & Frisk” Practices (New York: Office of the Attorney General of New York State, 1999), 95, 111, 121, 126.

101 Ibid., 117 n. 23

102 Baker and Vasquez, “Number of People Stopped by Police Soars.”

103 Ryan Pintado-Vertner and Jeff Chang. “The War on Youth,” Colorlines 2, no. 4 (Winter 1999-2000), 36.

104 Alexander v. Sandoval, 532 U.S. 275 (2001).

Chapter 4: The Cruel Hand


1 Proceedings of the Colored National Convention, held in Rochester, July 6-8, 1853 (Rochester: Printed at the office of Frederick Douglass’s Papers, 1853), 16.

2 Approximately 30 percent of African American men are banned for life

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