The New Jim Crow_ Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness - Michelle Alexander [169]
7 Jo Ann Gibson Robinson, The Montgomery Bus Boycott and the Women Who Started It (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1987), 43.
8 Martin Luther King Jr. and Claybourne Carson, The Autobiography of Martin Luther King, Jr. (New York: Grand Central, 2001), 44.
9 See Abby Rapoport, “The Work That Remains: A Forty-Year Update of the Kerner Commission Report,” Economic Policy Institute, Nov. 19, 2008.
10 Bruce Western, Punishment and Inequality in America (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2006), 97.
11 Ibid., 90.
12 Ibid., 91.
13 In 1972, the total rate of incarceration (prison and jail) was approximately 160 per 100,000. Today, it is about 760 per 100,000. A reduction of 79 percent would be needed to get back to the 160 figure—itself a fairly high number when judged by international standards.
14 Marc Mauer, Race to Incarcerate (New York: The New Press, 1999), 11.
15 Christopher Sherman, “Cheney, Gonzales, Indicted Over Prisons,” Washington Times, Nov. 19, 2008.
16 U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission, Corrections Corporation of America, Form 10K for the fiscal year ended Dec. 31, 2005.
17 Silja J.A. Talvi, “On the Inside with the American Correctional Association,” in Prison Profiteers: Who Makes Money from Mass Incarceration, ed. Tara Herivel and Paul Wright (New York: The New Press, 2007).
18 Stephanie Chen, “Larger Inmate Population Is Boon to Private Prisons,” Wall Street Journal, Nov. 28, 2008.
19 See generally Herivel and Wright, Prison Profiteers. For an excellent discussion of how surplus capital, labor, and land helped to birth the prison industry in rural America, see Ruth Wilson Gilmore, Golden Gulag (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007).
20 For more information on racial impact statements, see Marc Mauer, “Racial Impact Statements as a Means of Reducing Unwarranted Sentencing Disparities,” Ohio State Journal of Criminal Law 5 (2007): 19.
21 Guinier, Lift Every Voice, 223.
22 Michael Omi and Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the United States from the 1960s to the 1990s (New York: Routledge, 1994), 84-88.
23 Gerald Rosenberg, The Hollow Hope: Can Courts Bring About Social Change? (University of Chicago Press, 1991), 52.
24 Michael Klarman, “Brown, Racial Change, and the Civil Rights Movement,” Virginia Law Review 80 (1994): 7, 9.
25 See ibid., arguing that Brown was “merely a ripple” with only a “negligible effect” on the South and civil rights advocacy.
26 See David Garrow, “Hopelessly Hollow History: Revisionist Devaluing of Brown v. Board of Education,” Virginia Law Review 80 (1994): 151, persuasively making the case that Brown was a major inspiration to civil rights activists and provoked a fierce white backlash.
27 Bruce Western, Punishment and Inequality in America (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2006), 5, 187; William Spelman, “The Limited Importance of Prison Expansion,” in The Crime Drop in America, ed. Alfred Blumstein and Joel Wallman (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 97-129; and Todd R. Clear, Imprisoning Communities: How Mass Incarceration Makes Disadvantaged Neighborhoods Worse (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 41-48.
28 See, e.g., Todd Clear, Imprisoning Communities, 3.
29 Jeffrey Reiman makes a similar argument in The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison, 8th ed. (New York: Allyn & Bacon, 2006), although he mostly ignores the distinctive role of race in structuring the criminal justice system.
30 See “Study Finds Whites Anxious About Race,” Bryant Park Project, National Public Radio, Dec. 3, 2007.
31 Fox Butterfield, “With Cash Tight, States Reassess Long Jail Terms,” New York Times, Nov. 10, 2003.
32 Marc Mauer, “State Sentencing Reforms: Is the ‘Get Tough’ Era Coming to a Close?” Federal Sentencing Reporter 15, no. 1 (Oct. 2002).
33 Abby Goodnough,