The Ragged Trousered Philanthropists [285]
we enjoy without having to pay for directly. The public roads and pavements cost money to make and maintain and light. So do the parks, museums and bridges. But they are free to all. Under a Socialist Administration this principle will be extended - in addition to the free services we enjoy now we shall then maintain the trains and railways for the use of the public, free. And as time goes on, this method of doing business will be adopted in many other directions.'
`I've read somewhere,' said Harlow, `that whenever a Government in any country has started issuing paper money it has always led to bankruptcy. How do you know that the same thing would not happen under a Socialist Administration?'
`'Ear, 'ear,' said Crass. `I was just goin' to say the same thing.'
`If the Government of a country began to issue large amounts of paper money under the present system,' Barrington replied, `it would inevitably lead to bankruptcy, for the simple reason that paper money under the present system - bank-notes, bank drafts, postal orders, cheques or any other form - is merely a printed promise to pay the amount - in gold or silver - on demand or at a certain date. Under the present system if a Government issues more paper money than it possesses gold and silver to redeem, it is of course bankrupt. But the paper money that will be issued under a Socialist Administration will not be a promise to pay in gold or silver on demand or at any time. It will be a promise to supply commodities to the amount specified on the note, and as there could be no dearth of those things there could be no possibility of bankruptcy.'
`I should like to know who's goin' to appoint the hofficers of this 'ere hindustrial harmy,' said the man on the pail. `We don't want to be bullied and chivied and chased about by a lot of sergeants and corporals like a lot of soldiers, you know.'
`'Ear. 'ear,' said Crass. `You must 'ave some masters. Someone's got to be in charge of the work.'
`We don't have to put up with any bullying or chivying or chasing now, do we?' said Barrington. `So of course we could not have anything of that sort under Socialism. We could not put up with it at all! Even if it were only for four or five hours a day. Under the present system we have no voice in appointing our masters and overseers and foremen - we have no choice as to what master we shall work under. If our masters do not treat us fairly we have no remedy against them. Under Socialism it will be different; the workers will be part of the community; the officers or managers and foremen will be the servants of the community, and if any one of these men were to abuse his position he could be promptly removed. As for the details of the organization of the Industrial Army, the difficulty is, again, not so much to devise a way, but to decide which of many ways would be the best, and the perfect way will probably be developed only after experiment and experience. The one thing we have to hold fast to is the fundamental principle of State employment or National service. Production for use and not for profit. The national organization of industry under democratic control. One way of arranging this business would be for the community to elect a Parliament in much the same way as is done at present. The only persons eligible for election to be veterans of the industrial Army, men and women who had put in their twenty-five years of service.
`This Administrative Body would have control of the different State Departments. There would be a Department of Agriculture, a Department of Railways and so on, each with its minister and staff.
`All these Members of Parliament would be the relatives - in some cases the mothers and fathers of those in the Industrial Service, and they would be relied upon to see that the conditions of that service were the best possible.
`As for the different branches of the State Service, they could be organized on somewhat the same lines as the different branches of the Public Service are now - like the Navy, the Post Office and
`I've read somewhere,' said Harlow, `that whenever a Government in any country has started issuing paper money it has always led to bankruptcy. How do you know that the same thing would not happen under a Socialist Administration?'
`'Ear, 'ear,' said Crass. `I was just goin' to say the same thing.'
`If the Government of a country began to issue large amounts of paper money under the present system,' Barrington replied, `it would inevitably lead to bankruptcy, for the simple reason that paper money under the present system - bank-notes, bank drafts, postal orders, cheques or any other form - is merely a printed promise to pay the amount - in gold or silver - on demand or at a certain date. Under the present system if a Government issues more paper money than it possesses gold and silver to redeem, it is of course bankrupt. But the paper money that will be issued under a Socialist Administration will not be a promise to pay in gold or silver on demand or at any time. It will be a promise to supply commodities to the amount specified on the note, and as there could be no dearth of those things there could be no possibility of bankruptcy.'
`I should like to know who's goin' to appoint the hofficers of this 'ere hindustrial harmy,' said the man on the pail. `We don't want to be bullied and chivied and chased about by a lot of sergeants and corporals like a lot of soldiers, you know.'
`'Ear. 'ear,' said Crass. `You must 'ave some masters. Someone's got to be in charge of the work.'
`We don't have to put up with any bullying or chivying or chasing now, do we?' said Barrington. `So of course we could not have anything of that sort under Socialism. We could not put up with it at all! Even if it were only for four or five hours a day. Under the present system we have no voice in appointing our masters and overseers and foremen - we have no choice as to what master we shall work under. If our masters do not treat us fairly we have no remedy against them. Under Socialism it will be different; the workers will be part of the community; the officers or managers and foremen will be the servants of the community, and if any one of these men were to abuse his position he could be promptly removed. As for the details of the organization of the Industrial Army, the difficulty is, again, not so much to devise a way, but to decide which of many ways would be the best, and the perfect way will probably be developed only after experiment and experience. The one thing we have to hold fast to is the fundamental principle of State employment or National service. Production for use and not for profit. The national organization of industry under democratic control. One way of arranging this business would be for the community to elect a Parliament in much the same way as is done at present. The only persons eligible for election to be veterans of the industrial Army, men and women who had put in their twenty-five years of service.
`This Administrative Body would have control of the different State Departments. There would be a Department of Agriculture, a Department of Railways and so on, each with its minister and staff.
`All these Members of Parliament would be the relatives - in some cases the mothers and fathers of those in the Industrial Service, and they would be relied upon to see that the conditions of that service were the best possible.
`As for the different branches of the State Service, they could be organized on somewhat the same lines as the different branches of the Public Service are now - like the Navy, the Post Office and