The Story of Mankind [151]
of civilisation) and the frontiers were closed to those volunteers
who wished to go to the rescue of the patriotic Hellenes.
Their cause seemed lost. At the request of Turkey, an Egyptian
army was landed in the Morea and soon the Turkish flag
was again flying from the Acropolis, the ancient stronghold of
Athens. The Egyptian army then pacified the country ``a la
Turque,'' and Metternich followed the proceedings with quiet
interest, awaiting the day when this ``attempt against the peace
of Europe'' should be a thing of the past.
Once more it was England which upset his plans. The
greatest glory of England does not lie in her vast colonial
possessions, in her wealth or her navy, but in the quiet heroism
and independence of her average citizen. The Englishman
obeys the law because he knows that respect for the rights of
others marks the difference between a dog-kennel and civilised
society. But he does not recognize the right of others to interfere
with his freedom of thought. If his country does something
which he believes to be wrong, he gets up and says so
and the government which he attacks will respect him and will
give him full protection against the mob which to-day, as in
the time of Socrates, often loves to destroy those who surpass
it in courage or intelligence. There never has been a good
cause, however unpopular or however distant, which has not
counted a number of Englishmen among its staunchest adherents.
The mass of the English people are not different from
those in other lands. They stick to the business at hand and
have no time for unpractical ``sporting ventures.'' But they
rather admire their eccentric neighbour who drops everything
to go and fight for some obscure people in Asia or Africa and
when he has been killed they give him a fine public funeral and
hold him up to their children as an example of valor and chivalry.
Even the police spies of the Holy Alliance were powerless
against this national characteristic. In the year 1824, Lord
Byron, a rich young Englishman who wrote the poetry over
which all Europe wept, hoisted the sails of his yacht and started
south to help the Greeks. Three months later the news spread
through Europe that their hero lay dead in Missolonghi,
the last of the Greek strongholds. His lonely death
caught the imagination of the people. In all countries, societies
were formed to help the Greeks. Lafayette, the grand old
man of the American revolution, pleaded their cause in France.
The king of Bavaria sent hundreds of his officers. Money and
supplies poured in upon the starving men of Missolonghi.
In England, George Canning, who had defeated the plans
of the Holy Alliance in South America, was now prime minis-
ter. He saw his chance to checkmate Metternich for a second
time. The English and Russian fleets were already in the
Mediterranean. They were sent by governments which dared
no longer suppress the popular enthusiasm for the cause of the
Greek patriots. The French navy appeared because France,
since the end of the Crusades, had assumed the role of the
defender of the Christian faith in Mohammedan lands. On October
20 of the year 1827, the ships of the three nations attacked
the Turkish fleet in the bay of Navarino and destroyed it.
Rarely has the news of a battle been received with such general
rejoicing. The people of western Europe and Russia who
enjoyed no freedom at home consoled themselves by fighting
an imaginary war of liberty on behalf of the oppressed Greeks.
In the year 1829 they had their reward. Greece became an
independent nation and the policy of reaction and stability
suffered its second great defeat.
It would be absurd were I to try, in this short volume, to
give you a detailed account of the struggle for national
independence in all other countries. There are a large number of
excellent books devoted to such subjects. I have described the
struggle for