The Story of Mankind [165]
or Jacobinism and violence, the English
government placed the Duke of Wellington, who was now in
his eightieth year, at the head of the army, and called for
Volunteers. London was placed in a state of siege and
preparations were made to suppress the coming revolution.
But the Chartist movement killed itself through bad leadership
and no acts of violence took place. The new class of
wealthy factory owners, (I dislike the word ``bourgeoisie''
which has been used to death by the apostles of a new social
order,) slowly increased its hold upon the government, and
the conditions of industrial life in the large cities continued to
transform vast acres of pasture and wheat-land into dreary
slums, which guard the approach of every modern European
town.
EMANCIPATION
THE GENERAL INTRODUCTION OF MACHINERY
DID NOT BRING ABOUT THE ERA OF
HAPPINESS AND PROSPERITY WHICH
HAD BEEN PREDICTED BY THE GENERATION
WHICH SAW THE STAGE COACH REPLACED
BY THE RAILROAD. SEVERAL
REMEDIES WERE SUGGESTED BUT NONE
OF THESE QUITE SOLVED THE PROBLEM
IN the year 1831, just before the passing of the first Reform
Bill Jeremy Bentham, the great English student of legislative
methods and the most practical political reformer of that
day, wrote to a friend: ``The way to be comfortable is to
make others comfortable. The way to make others comfortable
is to appear to love them. The way to appear to love them
is to love them in reality.'' Jeremy was an honest man. He
said what he believed to be true. His opinions were shared by
thousands of his countrymen. They felt responsible for the
happiness of their less fortunate neighbours and they tried
their very best to help them. And Heaven knows it was time
that something be done!
The ideal of ``economic freedom'' (the ``laissez faire'' of
Turgot) had been necessary in the old society where mediaeval
restrictions lamed all industrial effort. But this ``liberty of
action'' which had been the highest law of the land had led to
a terrible, yea, a frightful condition. The hours in the fac-
tory were limited only by the physical strength of the workers.
As long as a woman could sit before her loom, without
fainting from fatigue, she was supposed to work. Children of
five and six were taken to the cotton mills, to save them from
the dangers of the street and a life of idleness. A law had
been passed which forced the children of paupers to go to work
or be punished by being chained to their machines. In return
for their services they got enough bad food to keep them alive
and a sort of pigsty in which they could rest at night. Often
they were so tired that they fell asleep at their job. To keep
them awake a foreman with a whip made the rounds and beat
them on the knuckles when it was necessary to bring them back
to their duties. Of course, under these circumstances thousands
of little children died. This was regrettable and the employers,
who after all were human beings and not without a heart, sincerely
wished that they could abolish ``child labour.'' But since
man was ``free'' it followed that children were ``free'' too.
Besides, if Mr. Jones had tried to work his factory without the
use of children of five and six, his rival, Mr. Stone, would have
hired an extra supply of little boys and Jones would have been
forced into bankruptcy. It was therefore impossible for Jones
to do without child labour until such time as an act of Parliament
should forbid it for all employers.
But as Parliament was no longer dominated by the old
landed aristocracy (which had despised the upstart factory-
owners with their money bags and had treated them with open
contempt), but was under control of the representatives from
the industrial centres, and as long as the law did not allow
workmen to combine in labour-unions, very little was accomplished.
Of course the intelligent and decent people of that
time
government placed the Duke of Wellington, who was now in
his eightieth year, at the head of the army, and called for
Volunteers. London was placed in a state of siege and
preparations were made to suppress the coming revolution.
But the Chartist movement killed itself through bad leadership
and no acts of violence took place. The new class of
wealthy factory owners, (I dislike the word ``bourgeoisie''
which has been used to death by the apostles of a new social
order,) slowly increased its hold upon the government, and
the conditions of industrial life in the large cities continued to
transform vast acres of pasture and wheat-land into dreary
slums, which guard the approach of every modern European
town.
EMANCIPATION
THE GENERAL INTRODUCTION OF MACHINERY
DID NOT BRING ABOUT THE ERA OF
HAPPINESS AND PROSPERITY WHICH
HAD BEEN PREDICTED BY THE GENERATION
WHICH SAW THE STAGE COACH REPLACED
BY THE RAILROAD. SEVERAL
REMEDIES WERE SUGGESTED BUT NONE
OF THESE QUITE SOLVED THE PROBLEM
IN the year 1831, just before the passing of the first Reform
Bill Jeremy Bentham, the great English student of legislative
methods and the most practical political reformer of that
day, wrote to a friend: ``The way to be comfortable is to
make others comfortable. The way to make others comfortable
is to appear to love them. The way to appear to love them
is to love them in reality.'' Jeremy was an honest man. He
said what he believed to be true. His opinions were shared by
thousands of his countrymen. They felt responsible for the
happiness of their less fortunate neighbours and they tried
their very best to help them. And Heaven knows it was time
that something be done!
The ideal of ``economic freedom'' (the ``laissez faire'' of
Turgot) had been necessary in the old society where mediaeval
restrictions lamed all industrial effort. But this ``liberty of
action'' which had been the highest law of the land had led to
a terrible, yea, a frightful condition. The hours in the fac-
tory were limited only by the physical strength of the workers.
As long as a woman could sit before her loom, without
fainting from fatigue, she was supposed to work. Children of
five and six were taken to the cotton mills, to save them from
the dangers of the street and a life of idleness. A law had
been passed which forced the children of paupers to go to work
or be punished by being chained to their machines. In return
for their services they got enough bad food to keep them alive
and a sort of pigsty in which they could rest at night. Often
they were so tired that they fell asleep at their job. To keep
them awake a foreman with a whip made the rounds and beat
them on the knuckles when it was necessary to bring them back
to their duties. Of course, under these circumstances thousands
of little children died. This was regrettable and the employers,
who after all were human beings and not without a heart, sincerely
wished that they could abolish ``child labour.'' But since
man was ``free'' it followed that children were ``free'' too.
Besides, if Mr. Jones had tried to work his factory without the
use of children of five and six, his rival, Mr. Stone, would have
hired an extra supply of little boys and Jones would have been
forced into bankruptcy. It was therefore impossible for Jones
to do without child labour until such time as an act of Parliament
should forbid it for all employers.
But as Parliament was no longer dominated by the old
landed aristocracy (which had despised the upstart factory-
owners with their money bags and had treated them with open
contempt), but was under control of the representatives from
the industrial centres, and as long as the law did not allow
workmen to combine in labour-unions, very little was accomplished.
Of course the intelligent and decent people of that
time